By Noel Nadesan
This speech was delivered at Mural room, Parliament, Canberra recently
There are several controversial reports on the conditions of the IDPs housed in the camps. In this speech Dr. Noel Nadesan analyses clinically, without political biases, the realistic conditions that prevail in the IDP camps. This is a first-hand report that is a ‘must read’ to get behind the political spin that has distorted the realities of the conditions faced by the IDPs.
The armed resistance from among the Tamils living in the northern and eastern provinces had spanned a period of thirty years, before being brought to a dramatic end on May 18, 2009.
It is not my intention to discuss the reasons for the armed resistance, herein. However, the armed resistance identified with the Tamil minority within Sri Lanka, evolved over time into a civil war, where the armed forces of Sri Lanka were pitted against the armed forces of the LTTE. The LTTE had established the rudiments of a state within the island and had developed the military structures to be on par or in some instances superior to those of the Sri Lankan state. However, what was deemed impossible was accomplished by the Sri Lankan armed forces on May 18, this year.
The LTTE combined conventional, and Guerilla warfare, with a heavy sprinkling of various acts of terrorism in its operations against the Sri Lankan state and its people, including Tamils. The details of this act of terrorism are too well known.
However, the lasting legacy of the just ended civil war, are the large number of 'Internally Displaced Persons' scattered around the island, with the biggest concentration in Vavuniya.
The IDPs in Sri Lanka can be classified into several categories:
1. The Tamils who have scattered to various parts of the South, of their free-will, to escape the ravages of war, including LTTE and the armed forces.
2. The Tamils who were forced out of their normal habitations during the course of the war and had to be accommodated in camps by the government.
3. The Sinhala villagers who were forced out of the border villages, because of LTTE terrorism.
4. The Muslims who were forcibly driven out of the Northern Province by the LTTE and are living in camps in Puttalam for 20 years.
5. The Tamils who moved with the LTTE –as the war progressed towards it culmination starting when the LTTE was driven out of Jaffna. Approximately 300,000 Tamils crossed over to the government side as the war ended. Most of them are presently living in camps set up in the Chettikulam area of the Vanni district.
There are also thousands of Tamils who have fled Sri Lanka to escape the ravages of war and are living in India, either in refugee camps or in freer conditions. There are also hundreds of thousands of Tamils, who migrated both legally and illegally, to escape the conditions prevailing in Sri Lanka, now living in the Western world. These are the 'Externally Displaced Persons', who are also the victims of the tragedy in Sri Lanka.
The concerns being expressed on the plight of the IDPs are largely centred on those in the camps in Vavuniya. The Muslim IDPs in Puttalam and the 25,000 IDPs in the East are rarely mentioned. Further, the 'Internally displaced Sinhalese' are never thought of. The self-displaced Tamils living in the South are of course not considered 'Displaced' at all. Our plans for the future should centre on all these people who were forced out of the places of residence and habitation by forces beyond their control.
Among the IDPs in Vavuniya are also thousands of men, women and children, who were participants in the war on behalf of the LTTE or were sympathetic towards its cause. Thousands have been identified and separated, while many more live amidst the IDP's in the camps. How these people, have to be treated and dealt with should be our concern too. They are also 'Displaced Persons' today and sooner or later have to find a place in society.
The recently displaced persons, who are living in the Vavuniya camps in large numbers and have been cleared of any LTTE involvement, of course should return to normal life, in their original habitations as soon as possible. There can be no dispute about this. However, when this is realistically possible is a subject of much debate, of a rancourous, ill-informed and emotional nature.
The conditions in the Vavuniya camps have been described as akin to those in Nazi-type concentration camps by many who have not seen these camps and interacted with the people there. The presence of LTTE cadres within these camps makes it imperative that the camps be fenced for security reasons by the government. LTTE flags have been hoisted within these camps occasionally! Our team has visited these camps twice and spent long hours there. On the first occasion we visited the Gamini Vidyalaya reception camp and the Kadirgamar IDP camp. On the second visit we visited the Kadirgamar camp and the Zone- 4 camp. We have thus seen the plight of these refugees as they arrived from the war zone and how the conditions in the camps have improved between our first and second visits. We were given the freedom to move around within these camps and interact with the people on both occasions. We also have spoken to the ministers, military officials, the government agent and camp officials, during our visits.
What we saw, heard and learnt are:
1. There are is no major disease out breaks in these camps as alleged.
2. Mortality rates in these camps are comparable to those in any normal society.
3. The malnutrition visible during the first visit had largely abated by the second.
4. The medical facilities within the camps are adequate and the sick have access to specialized care in the Vavuniya and Chettikulam hospitals. The more serious cases are taken to the Anuradhapura and Colombo hospitals.
5. There are skin ailments and cases of chicken pox. The IDPs, when arriving from the war zone already had skin diseases such as scabies.
6. No cases of rape by the armed forces were reported to us by the people we spoke.
7. The people were free to move around within the camps.
8. There were facilities for communal and individual cooking. Dry rations meeting international standards of basic nutrition are provided free at these camps.
9. The toilets constructed by the UNHCR and the tents provided by it, were unsuitable for the climate and circumstances. The government-built structures were more climate and people-friendly.
10. There are places allocated for visitors to meet the camp residents.
11. There are co-operative stores, schools, banks, libraries, temples and vocational training centres within these camps.
12. Adequate amounts of water are available in these camps for drinking and bathing. However, people have to take their turn to get their drinking water or to have a bath. There are plenty of tube well outlets and tap outlets. But each has to be shared by many families. This is an inconvenience rather than a problem.
13. The officials - civil, military and Police - were friendly towards the people and this was reciprocated. There was no visible tension between the officials and the people.
14. The camps are of course crowded, but this was not a cause for complaint by the IDPs.
15. People were engaging in small scale trade and had established their back yard gardens.
16. There was a special area for the Brahmin families, because they are vegetarians and have cultural and religious practices that are mandatory.
17. 54 NGO's and INGO's were working in the camps and providing services to the IDPs.
18. During our second visit in July, we observed that systems - trenches and drainage pipes - were being installed to drain water, in anticipation of the rains.
19. Although almost everyone we spoke to wanted to return to their homes and villages as soon as possible, there was no demand that this take place immediately.
20. Mr. Basil Rajapaksa, showed us details of plans to re-build damaged infra-structure in the war torn areas and presented us details of what had been achieved. He also answered our questions without any hesitation and in an open manner.
21. The people in the camps were relieved to have escaped from the horrible conditions in the war zone and were happy to be in a safe place.
22. The LTTE supporters, sympathizers and cadres within these camps are of course unhappy at the turn of events and can be suspected to be vocalizing exaggerated stories about the conditions in these camps. We have experienced these ourselves.
From what we had seen and heard, we are convinced the IDPs cannot be sent back to their places of residence immediately. The majority in these camps are poor, daily wage earners. They need the infra-structure to provide them employment, healthcare, schooling and welfare support. Farming and trading activities should be possible in these areas, soon after they arrive. There should be facilities to give long-term care for the psychologically and physically traumatized. These areas should be free of landmines and arms. The security of these people should be assured.
The long term interests of these unfortunate people should engage our conscience and financial resources, rather than scoring short-term political or emotional points. It should not be forgotten that although the conditions in these camps can be found fault with, they are much better than what would await these IDPs, if released from these camps immediately. These camps are temporary and the UNHCR demands they be temporary. The TNA demanded they be temporary, soon after the war ended. In fact the TNA accused the government of trying to establish new villages in these camps at that time! We cannot have it both ways.
Temporary camps will have their inadequacies and meant to be so.
Tuesday, December 22, 2009
Puthinam and Tamilnaatham Shut Down For ‘Personal Reasons®’: Global Shortage of Punakku Ensues
[TamilNet, Friday, 30 October 2009, 05:00 GMT]
Two of TamilNet’s sister sites, Puthinam and TamilNaatham, have been shut down due to ‘personal reasons®’, resulting in a devastating worldwide shortage of punakku for discerning We Thamizh kazhuthais.
We at TamilNet have totally no idea what these personal reasons® are, but we assure you that it is totally NOT due to infighting among We Thamizh in Australia (where the two sites are hosted by Karan thambi) because We Thamizh NEVER fight amongst each other! We are also certain that this is totally NOT due to any hackers unleashed by the Sinhaloids. Only We Donkey Thamizh have the know-how to hack websites, as we have been threatening to do for the last few years (just like the one about Eelam coming SOON™).The subsequent lack of punakku has compelled many Donkey Thamizh to suffer from intense withdrawal symptoms. Donkeys have been seen setting themselves on fire, tossing a dozen Big Macs into a blender and drinking the resultant syrup, and a few donkeys have even been seen trying to vent their frustrations by engaging in sexual relations with other more intelligent species of life frequently (though that is quite a common occurrence among We Thamizh anyway).
We are sure that these two websites were shut down purely because Karan thambi is a little too busy these days for personal reasons® which could range from finding a new toilet for his shack, to stalking another blonde Aussie goddess, or to him simply being in hiding from the evil Demonic Sinhaloid Yakos that have been set loose in countries where We Thamizh live. Anyway, we at TamilNet have been compelled to work overtime to faithfully supply more punakku to our dear non-retarded readers and we pray to Sun God for Karan thambi’s speedy recovery.
Two of TamilNet’s sister sites, Puthinam and TamilNaatham, have been shut down due to ‘personal reasons®’, resulting in a devastating worldwide shortage of punakku for discerning We Thamizh kazhuthais.
We at TamilNet have totally no idea what these personal reasons® are, but we assure you that it is totally NOT due to infighting among We Thamizh in Australia (where the two sites are hosted by Karan thambi) because We Thamizh NEVER fight amongst each other! We are also certain that this is totally NOT due to any hackers unleashed by the Sinhaloids. Only We Donkey Thamizh have the know-how to hack websites, as we have been threatening to do for the last few years (just like the one about Eelam coming SOON™).The subsequent lack of punakku has compelled many Donkey Thamizh to suffer from intense withdrawal symptoms. Donkeys have been seen setting themselves on fire, tossing a dozen Big Macs into a blender and drinking the resultant syrup, and a few donkeys have even been seen trying to vent their frustrations by engaging in sexual relations with other more intelligent species of life frequently (though that is quite a common occurrence among We Thamizh anyway).
We are sure that these two websites were shut down purely because Karan thambi is a little too busy these days for personal reasons® which could range from finding a new toilet for his shack, to stalking another blonde Aussie goddess, or to him simply being in hiding from the evil Demonic Sinhaloid Yakos that have been set loose in countries where We Thamizh live. Anyway, we at TamilNet have been compelled to work overtime to faithfully supply more punakku to our dear non-retarded readers and we pray to Sun God for Karan thambi’s speedy recovery.
The ‘fuse’ behind the human bomber
Part II of the expose’ on LTTE’s covert operation
LTTE intelligence agents never spill beans, but one agent of their operation in Colombo did so to The Bottom Line. Last week this column revealed how the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) created a human bomb, or a suicide cadre – the most potent weapon of mass destruction that a terrorist organisation ever introduced. The human bomb does not act alone. He or she is only the explosives in the bomb. There are other links which make up the chain and next above the link, and the most vital, is the person who controls the bomber – in basic military or terrorist terms called ‘the handler’ as well he is an intelligence cadre . In other words, he is the sleeping terrorist cadre who becomes active when the time arrives.An intelligence cadre as well as handler reveals the story This is an exclusive story related to The Bottom Line by such a handler. He will be called Raju Sivaratnam – not his real name. He is seated opposite me inside a law enforcement agency’s premises. He does not look as innocent as the earlier suicide bomber. In this instance too, I make sure that I keep eye contact with him to ensure that he does not lie to me. I need not chat with him through an interpreter. During the preparation for this exclusive interview, a law enforcement officer told me, “Don’t worry, he will talk to you in fluent Sinhalese. If you want to, you can communicate with him in English too.” And during the interview, he began to talk with me in fluent Sinhalese. He had short cropped hair. I am not sure whether it was cropped after his arrest or it was that way before. He wore a moustache, was tan in complexion and around five feet seven inches tall. His face was unshaven. I felt that if he had a clean shave and wore some decent clothes like a pair of slacks, shirt and a tie along with a pair of nice shoes, nobody will take him for an LTTE intelligence agent, or a handler of a suicide bomber or even a terrorist. Instead, anybody will mistake him for a smart company executive or businessman. He acted in the same manner in Colombo; he associated with politicians, armed force officers and many others. He spoke fairly fluent Sinhalese, so my questions to him were in the same language: Question: Are you from Colombo? Answer: No, I am from Vavuniya. [adds hesitantly] …. I joined the LTTE when I was 19-years-old. I got through my Advance Level examinations during that period. (I could see a faint smile on his face when he relates the beginning of his experiences and he continued…) I joined with a friend of mine. He strongly believed we could achieve our goal of Eelam. I too started believing it. Once both of us joined the LTTE, we were taken to the Vishvamadu area in Puthukudyiruppu, where a person who identified himself as one of the leaders inquired into our background details. Once this initial step was over, I was separated from my friend, blindfolded and taken to a training camp. I was accommodated in a room and strictly warned not to walk out of it. I was provided with some literature regarding the LTTE, and its struggle for Eelam. Reading these materials motivated me further regarding the struggle for Eelam. I felt we were on the right path for our own separate homeland.
The training beginsEventually, I was blindfolded again and taken to a lecture hall. The lectures were of the motivational kind, regarding the struggle of the LTTE for a homeland of Eelam. Every lecture ended with the phrases, “You are our assets. You are our blood and soul.”Before the Ceasefire Agreement between the government and the LTTE in 2002, after a month of training, I was blindfolded again and taken to a location. I was made to sit opposite another person. He said his name was Ratnam Master. He asked me whether I had heard the name before. He said he was the head of the LTTE’s intelligence training division. He further added that the intelligence arm was the brain of the whole organisation.“I am one of the nerves of that brain,” he added.[I interrupted Raju Sivaratnam for a while to ask some questions.]Q: Do you still think that the brain is functioning?A: No. I don’t think so. That brain is already dead and gone. Because the LTTE leadership has been wiped out. If that brain had worked properly like they claimed, the leadership would not have been wiped out like that.Q: Do you think that the Sri Lankan security forces’ ‘brain’ is and has been effective?A: Yes, of course. Their brain is very powerful, that is why I am here today and the rest of the leadership is no more.Q: How come you can speak fluent Sinhalese?A: Though I am a Tamil I associated with a lot of Sinhalese friends.Q: Do you have good Sinhalese friends?A: Yes, I had. But now I don’t know.Q: Have you been at any time discriminated against by those whom you knew because you are a Tamil?A: No, never.Q: Then why did you decide to join the LTTE?A: I believe that I associated more with friends who were Tamil Eelam ideologists.
The ‘handler’ is handledRaju Sivaratnam continued…After the training they took me to a firing range where I was trained in how to handle a pistol. For two weeks I underwent pistol shooting training. After that I was sent to Kilinochchi. Once there, they wanted me to go around the town and gather information although the town which was under LTTE control.Then I was ordered to travel to Vavuniya. During my travel they made sure that I was not apprehended by the security Forces or Police. Once in Vavuniya, I met a person there. He wanted me to return to Vishvamadu again but through another route. This I did successfully.On my return to Vishvamadu they inquired from me as to how many checkpoints I had passed through. They asked me whether I could remember any numbers on the number plates of the security Forces’ vehicles. They also asked me whether I had noticed any security lapses at the LTTE checkpoints too. I gave them all the information according to my observations, the way I did observations because they trained me to do this.During my training period, motivational songs were played over the audio in my room at around 2.00 am. Though I was forced to listen to them, I was also motivated through them, I can say.
The ceasefire dramaThe year 2002 and the month of February were of special significance for us. This is because the LTTE informed us that the Sri Lanka government had entered into a ceasefire agreement with it, and we were free to carry out political activities.I was allocated to the LTTE political office in Vavuniya. Before I left my training base at Viasvamadu, on two occasions I was taken blindfolded to meet two top LTTE intelligence leaders. I learnt that they were Pottu Amman and Kapil Amman.They said, “Our leader has signed a Ceasefire Agreement with the Sinhalese government. But our ultimate goal is Tamil Eelam and not for a political solution. This time we are going to take Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe too for a ride, like the way we did India and the other Sinhalese leaders before this. We will take Eelam War IV to Colombo itself and we will achieve our goal of Tamil Eelam.”Following this, I was given another two weeks training. They were of four categories, namely:a) How to observe a suicide bomber.b) How to motivate and maintain the morale of the suicide bomber.c) How to locate safe houses for him/her.d) Gathering more information and intelligence in Colombo regarding military installations, economic nerve centers like World Trade Centre, port, air ports and oil refinery at Kollannawa, high ranking military officers movements and VVIP Movements.
The handler arrives in ColomboIn April 2002, I came to Vavuniya and from there by train to Colombo. I was handed a sum of Rs.500, 000 by the organisation. They gave me a phone number which I had to contact once in Colombo. On arrival in Colombo, I contacted the person on the phone number given to me. He identified himself as Raja. He provided me with accommodation at an annex in Bambalapitiya, and in advance we paid Rs.75000 and monthly Rs.35 000.The owner of the house did not inquire anything from me about myself as his only concern was money. Raja was not a talkative individual. He gave me only the necessary instructions, nothing more. We hired a van from a cab service and went around Colombo for me to get myself familiarised with the city. Later, Raju gave me a mobile phone and said I would get further instructions from the Vanni.After two days, I received an overseas call on my mobile phone. The caller asked me to open a bank account and deposit the cash I had in hand. The caller also instructed me to insert an advertisement in the newspapers requesting for a space for a hardware business. I received several responses for my advertisement. I noted down the details of each and every response I received. Finally the overseas caller contacted me and asked me to rent out the shop space at the Kotahena area. I told the caller that the key money was 1 million rupees, and the rent was Rs.50 000 per month. The caller told me that the money would be deposited into my account and for me to go ahead. He further instructed me to rent out a house as well in the Kotahena area.Following these instructions, I also rented out a fully furnished house in a highly residential area of Kotahena and owned by a Sinhalese person. Then Raja visited me one day and told me to get some photographs for my identity card. A week passed and I received my new National Identity Card (NIC). The new NIC stated that I was a resident of Colombo. We paid a handsome bribe to an officer who is Sinhalese from the NIC office. Later I understood that Police had arrested him.Thereafter, I opened my hardware shop in Kotahena. From time to time several persons arrived and worked in my shop. These were followed according to instructions received by me. I never asked them who or from where they were, as it did not concern me. Some were provided cash by me when requested.The hardware shop was registered as a sole proprietary business. A bank account too was opened under the shop name. From time to time, the LTTE instructed me to send materials like cement, steel rods and the like used in construction, to Kilinochchi. I faithfully did as was instructed. Later I also sent photographs, video footage and other important information to Kilinochchi.
Making friends and influencing peopleDuring my training period I was instructed on how to cultivate friendship with those whom I met. This training I used to my advantage in Colombo. I made Sinhalese friends and built up a good customer base as well. From friends whom I cultivated, I gathered information to feed to our leadership.In the meantime, I purchased a computer and familiarised myself with the internet as well. Though I lived in Colombo I was always in touch with my superiors in Kilinochchi and had to act according to their instructions.I knew at that time that the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) will not last forever. I knew we were only taking the (then) government for a ride. During the CFA we did not have to register ourselves with the Police or security Forces, so we never bothered doing it. We were not checked either. We were almost like free birds. Suddenly in 2005, the government pulled out of the CFA. I had to register myself with the nearest Police station according to government instructions. In 2004 I had already purchased the house I was staying in Colombo and the householder’s list carried my name as the chief occupant. The deed was under my name, I was registered as a resident by the Grama Sevaka. So I registered as a resident from Colombo.In February 2005 I received an overseas call which said that there was no ceasefire between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government now, and that I had to strict follow instructions by the caller. He also instructed me to get rid of any materials pertaining to the LTTE from my residence and shop.
My ‘mother’ joins me in ColomboThe overseas caller also told me that I had to accommodate an elderly lady who would arrive at my residence. She had no children and I had to pretend that she was my mother, the caller said. Her name too was duly entered into the householders’ list. To do so I had to bribe the Grama Sevaka. Soon afterwards, one day I was instructed to travel to Anuradhapura. I went there as instructed. I was armed with the Grama Sevaka’s certificate, the Police clearance letter and my NIC. When I reached the Anuradhapura bus stand, a person approached me. He was accompanied by another who appeared to be a Muslim person. Though he was dressed like a Muslim, I knew that he was not what he appeared to be, and that he was a suicide bomber. The caller gave me charge of the new person – the suicide bomber. During our return trip to Colombo, I was seated beside the suicide bomber and kept on motivating him while speaking softly. During our journey there were many road blocks, but we managed to arrived in Colombo.A week before my departure to Anuradhapura, as per instructions, I was able to rent out a house in the Hendala area in Wattala through a newspaper advertisement. Once we reached Colombo, the suicide bomber received his new NIC carrying a Wattala address.Apart from this, I used to frequent the Hendala area and made friends with those around. I contributed to various charities and religious functioned organised by them, both Christian and Buddhist. This I did to allay any suspicions which might be aroused among them as to my real purposes and identity.Out of the various suicide bombers controlled by the LTTE during this time, only one was able to accomplish his mission. That target was Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle. In 2005 the LTTE launched several suicide missions, main among them being the attempt on the life of the Army Commander (General, then Lt. General Sarath Fonseka), the Defence Secretary (Gotabhaya Rajapaksa), two attempts on Minister Douglas Devenanda. All these were unsuccessful. We were successful only in targetting Minister Fernandopulle.
Security becomes too tightLater, security was becoming even tighter. Random cordon and search operations were being carried out by the security forces and Police. I was feeling hemmed in. I kept in contact with my operative, the suicide bomber, and kept him motivated as best as I could. Meanwhile I also collected more information on Colombo. I was instructed to e-mail all these information to an address,defenceeelam@gmail.com. One day I was surprised to learn that the Sri Lanka Army has successfully detected and recovered several suicide kits in and around Colombo. At the same time in the north too the LTTE was being defeated by the Army.But my overseas caller gave me assurances saying that although we were losing territory, it was only a tactical withdrawal and that our cadres with their leaders would regroup soon to launch a major counter attack and retake all territory lost and more. I too was optimistic and believed them. But the LTTE underestimated the security Forces and we never regained an inch of the lost territory.
My Tamil friendAll this while, for around three years, I used to associate with a person whom I had befriended while I was in Colombo. I used to take him out for meals and other functions as well. He spoke very good Tamil. He used to visit me at my residence as well as my shop. One day, I was talking to my operative, the suicide bomber, over my phone to keep him motivated.I never noticed anyone approaching me. Once I finished my conversation with my contact, I noticed my friend standing behind me. He never gave me any indication of his having overheard my conversation. We just talked as usual for a while and he just left. But after two days, my friend returned. I took it to be another casual visit, but I was mistaken. He showed me his security Forces identity and at the same time he overpowered me and tied my hands with the help of the rest of the officers, and they searched me and they found my cyanide capsule which I kept in my pocket, and they took my phone into their custody . With that he forced my hands behind my back and handcuffed me. Then he told me that I was under arrest for being a member of the LTTE. Soon after this incident, they arrested the suicide bomber after they interrogated me. Raju Sivaratnam stopped his narration. He had a faraway look on his face. I prodded him by asking more questions.Q: What do you think of the Sri Lankan intelligence service?A: Sri Lankan intelligence had already infiltrated our intelligence. Already they had busted our whole network, and I know they are looking for the rest of us. I would urge them to surrender.I asked why?He said “the dream of Eelam is a nightmare”.What more could I ask him or what more could Raju Sivaratnam say?
LTTE intelligence agents never spill beans, but one agent of their operation in Colombo did so to The Bottom Line. Last week this column revealed how the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) created a human bomb, or a suicide cadre – the most potent weapon of mass destruction that a terrorist organisation ever introduced. The human bomb does not act alone. He or she is only the explosives in the bomb. There are other links which make up the chain and next above the link, and the most vital, is the person who controls the bomber – in basic military or terrorist terms called ‘the handler’ as well he is an intelligence cadre . In other words, he is the sleeping terrorist cadre who becomes active when the time arrives.An intelligence cadre as well as handler reveals the story This is an exclusive story related to The Bottom Line by such a handler. He will be called Raju Sivaratnam – not his real name. He is seated opposite me inside a law enforcement agency’s premises. He does not look as innocent as the earlier suicide bomber. In this instance too, I make sure that I keep eye contact with him to ensure that he does not lie to me. I need not chat with him through an interpreter. During the preparation for this exclusive interview, a law enforcement officer told me, “Don’t worry, he will talk to you in fluent Sinhalese. If you want to, you can communicate with him in English too.” And during the interview, he began to talk with me in fluent Sinhalese. He had short cropped hair. I am not sure whether it was cropped after his arrest or it was that way before. He wore a moustache, was tan in complexion and around five feet seven inches tall. His face was unshaven. I felt that if he had a clean shave and wore some decent clothes like a pair of slacks, shirt and a tie along with a pair of nice shoes, nobody will take him for an LTTE intelligence agent, or a handler of a suicide bomber or even a terrorist. Instead, anybody will mistake him for a smart company executive or businessman. He acted in the same manner in Colombo; he associated with politicians, armed force officers and many others. He spoke fairly fluent Sinhalese, so my questions to him were in the same language: Question: Are you from Colombo? Answer: No, I am from Vavuniya. [adds hesitantly] …. I joined the LTTE when I was 19-years-old. I got through my Advance Level examinations during that period. (I could see a faint smile on his face when he relates the beginning of his experiences and he continued…) I joined with a friend of mine. He strongly believed we could achieve our goal of Eelam. I too started believing it. Once both of us joined the LTTE, we were taken to the Vishvamadu area in Puthukudyiruppu, where a person who identified himself as one of the leaders inquired into our background details. Once this initial step was over, I was separated from my friend, blindfolded and taken to a training camp. I was accommodated in a room and strictly warned not to walk out of it. I was provided with some literature regarding the LTTE, and its struggle for Eelam. Reading these materials motivated me further regarding the struggle for Eelam. I felt we were on the right path for our own separate homeland.
The training beginsEventually, I was blindfolded again and taken to a lecture hall. The lectures were of the motivational kind, regarding the struggle of the LTTE for a homeland of Eelam. Every lecture ended with the phrases, “You are our assets. You are our blood and soul.”Before the Ceasefire Agreement between the government and the LTTE in 2002, after a month of training, I was blindfolded again and taken to a location. I was made to sit opposite another person. He said his name was Ratnam Master. He asked me whether I had heard the name before. He said he was the head of the LTTE’s intelligence training division. He further added that the intelligence arm was the brain of the whole organisation.“I am one of the nerves of that brain,” he added.[I interrupted Raju Sivaratnam for a while to ask some questions.]Q: Do you still think that the brain is functioning?A: No. I don’t think so. That brain is already dead and gone. Because the LTTE leadership has been wiped out. If that brain had worked properly like they claimed, the leadership would not have been wiped out like that.Q: Do you think that the Sri Lankan security forces’ ‘brain’ is and has been effective?A: Yes, of course. Their brain is very powerful, that is why I am here today and the rest of the leadership is no more.Q: How come you can speak fluent Sinhalese?A: Though I am a Tamil I associated with a lot of Sinhalese friends.Q: Do you have good Sinhalese friends?A: Yes, I had. But now I don’t know.Q: Have you been at any time discriminated against by those whom you knew because you are a Tamil?A: No, never.Q: Then why did you decide to join the LTTE?A: I believe that I associated more with friends who were Tamil Eelam ideologists.
The ‘handler’ is handledRaju Sivaratnam continued…After the training they took me to a firing range where I was trained in how to handle a pistol. For two weeks I underwent pistol shooting training. After that I was sent to Kilinochchi. Once there, they wanted me to go around the town and gather information although the town which was under LTTE control.Then I was ordered to travel to Vavuniya. During my travel they made sure that I was not apprehended by the security Forces or Police. Once in Vavuniya, I met a person there. He wanted me to return to Vishvamadu again but through another route. This I did successfully.On my return to Vishvamadu they inquired from me as to how many checkpoints I had passed through. They asked me whether I could remember any numbers on the number plates of the security Forces’ vehicles. They also asked me whether I had noticed any security lapses at the LTTE checkpoints too. I gave them all the information according to my observations, the way I did observations because they trained me to do this.During my training period, motivational songs were played over the audio in my room at around 2.00 am. Though I was forced to listen to them, I was also motivated through them, I can say.
The ceasefire dramaThe year 2002 and the month of February were of special significance for us. This is because the LTTE informed us that the Sri Lanka government had entered into a ceasefire agreement with it, and we were free to carry out political activities.I was allocated to the LTTE political office in Vavuniya. Before I left my training base at Viasvamadu, on two occasions I was taken blindfolded to meet two top LTTE intelligence leaders. I learnt that they were Pottu Amman and Kapil Amman.They said, “Our leader has signed a Ceasefire Agreement with the Sinhalese government. But our ultimate goal is Tamil Eelam and not for a political solution. This time we are going to take Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe too for a ride, like the way we did India and the other Sinhalese leaders before this. We will take Eelam War IV to Colombo itself and we will achieve our goal of Tamil Eelam.”Following this, I was given another two weeks training. They were of four categories, namely:a) How to observe a suicide bomber.b) How to motivate and maintain the morale of the suicide bomber.c) How to locate safe houses for him/her.d) Gathering more information and intelligence in Colombo regarding military installations, economic nerve centers like World Trade Centre, port, air ports and oil refinery at Kollannawa, high ranking military officers movements and VVIP Movements.
The handler arrives in ColomboIn April 2002, I came to Vavuniya and from there by train to Colombo. I was handed a sum of Rs.500, 000 by the organisation. They gave me a phone number which I had to contact once in Colombo. On arrival in Colombo, I contacted the person on the phone number given to me. He identified himself as Raja. He provided me with accommodation at an annex in Bambalapitiya, and in advance we paid Rs.75000 and monthly Rs.35 000.The owner of the house did not inquire anything from me about myself as his only concern was money. Raja was not a talkative individual. He gave me only the necessary instructions, nothing more. We hired a van from a cab service and went around Colombo for me to get myself familiarised with the city. Later, Raju gave me a mobile phone and said I would get further instructions from the Vanni.After two days, I received an overseas call on my mobile phone. The caller asked me to open a bank account and deposit the cash I had in hand. The caller also instructed me to insert an advertisement in the newspapers requesting for a space for a hardware business. I received several responses for my advertisement. I noted down the details of each and every response I received. Finally the overseas caller contacted me and asked me to rent out the shop space at the Kotahena area. I told the caller that the key money was 1 million rupees, and the rent was Rs.50 000 per month. The caller told me that the money would be deposited into my account and for me to go ahead. He further instructed me to rent out a house as well in the Kotahena area.Following these instructions, I also rented out a fully furnished house in a highly residential area of Kotahena and owned by a Sinhalese person. Then Raja visited me one day and told me to get some photographs for my identity card. A week passed and I received my new National Identity Card (NIC). The new NIC stated that I was a resident of Colombo. We paid a handsome bribe to an officer who is Sinhalese from the NIC office. Later I understood that Police had arrested him.Thereafter, I opened my hardware shop in Kotahena. From time to time several persons arrived and worked in my shop. These were followed according to instructions received by me. I never asked them who or from where they were, as it did not concern me. Some were provided cash by me when requested.The hardware shop was registered as a sole proprietary business. A bank account too was opened under the shop name. From time to time, the LTTE instructed me to send materials like cement, steel rods and the like used in construction, to Kilinochchi. I faithfully did as was instructed. Later I also sent photographs, video footage and other important information to Kilinochchi.
Making friends and influencing peopleDuring my training period I was instructed on how to cultivate friendship with those whom I met. This training I used to my advantage in Colombo. I made Sinhalese friends and built up a good customer base as well. From friends whom I cultivated, I gathered information to feed to our leadership.In the meantime, I purchased a computer and familiarised myself with the internet as well. Though I lived in Colombo I was always in touch with my superiors in Kilinochchi and had to act according to their instructions.I knew at that time that the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) will not last forever. I knew we were only taking the (then) government for a ride. During the CFA we did not have to register ourselves with the Police or security Forces, so we never bothered doing it. We were not checked either. We were almost like free birds. Suddenly in 2005, the government pulled out of the CFA. I had to register myself with the nearest Police station according to government instructions. In 2004 I had already purchased the house I was staying in Colombo and the householder’s list carried my name as the chief occupant. The deed was under my name, I was registered as a resident by the Grama Sevaka. So I registered as a resident from Colombo.In February 2005 I received an overseas call which said that there was no ceasefire between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government now, and that I had to strict follow instructions by the caller. He also instructed me to get rid of any materials pertaining to the LTTE from my residence and shop.
My ‘mother’ joins me in ColomboThe overseas caller also told me that I had to accommodate an elderly lady who would arrive at my residence. She had no children and I had to pretend that she was my mother, the caller said. Her name too was duly entered into the householders’ list. To do so I had to bribe the Grama Sevaka. Soon afterwards, one day I was instructed to travel to Anuradhapura. I went there as instructed. I was armed with the Grama Sevaka’s certificate, the Police clearance letter and my NIC. When I reached the Anuradhapura bus stand, a person approached me. He was accompanied by another who appeared to be a Muslim person. Though he was dressed like a Muslim, I knew that he was not what he appeared to be, and that he was a suicide bomber. The caller gave me charge of the new person – the suicide bomber. During our return trip to Colombo, I was seated beside the suicide bomber and kept on motivating him while speaking softly. During our journey there were many road blocks, but we managed to arrived in Colombo.A week before my departure to Anuradhapura, as per instructions, I was able to rent out a house in the Hendala area in Wattala through a newspaper advertisement. Once we reached Colombo, the suicide bomber received his new NIC carrying a Wattala address.Apart from this, I used to frequent the Hendala area and made friends with those around. I contributed to various charities and religious functioned organised by them, both Christian and Buddhist. This I did to allay any suspicions which might be aroused among them as to my real purposes and identity.Out of the various suicide bombers controlled by the LTTE during this time, only one was able to accomplish his mission. That target was Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle. In 2005 the LTTE launched several suicide missions, main among them being the attempt on the life of the Army Commander (General, then Lt. General Sarath Fonseka), the Defence Secretary (Gotabhaya Rajapaksa), two attempts on Minister Douglas Devenanda. All these were unsuccessful. We were successful only in targetting Minister Fernandopulle.
Security becomes too tightLater, security was becoming even tighter. Random cordon and search operations were being carried out by the security forces and Police. I was feeling hemmed in. I kept in contact with my operative, the suicide bomber, and kept him motivated as best as I could. Meanwhile I also collected more information on Colombo. I was instructed to e-mail all these information to an address,defenceeelam@gmail.com. One day I was surprised to learn that the Sri Lanka Army has successfully detected and recovered several suicide kits in and around Colombo. At the same time in the north too the LTTE was being defeated by the Army.But my overseas caller gave me assurances saying that although we were losing territory, it was only a tactical withdrawal and that our cadres with their leaders would regroup soon to launch a major counter attack and retake all territory lost and more. I too was optimistic and believed them. But the LTTE underestimated the security Forces and we never regained an inch of the lost territory.
My Tamil friendAll this while, for around three years, I used to associate with a person whom I had befriended while I was in Colombo. I used to take him out for meals and other functions as well. He spoke very good Tamil. He used to visit me at my residence as well as my shop. One day, I was talking to my operative, the suicide bomber, over my phone to keep him motivated.I never noticed anyone approaching me. Once I finished my conversation with my contact, I noticed my friend standing behind me. He never gave me any indication of his having overheard my conversation. We just talked as usual for a while and he just left. But after two days, my friend returned. I took it to be another casual visit, but I was mistaken. He showed me his security Forces identity and at the same time he overpowered me and tied my hands with the help of the rest of the officers, and they searched me and they found my cyanide capsule which I kept in my pocket, and they took my phone into their custody . With that he forced my hands behind my back and handcuffed me. Then he told me that I was under arrest for being a member of the LTTE. Soon after this incident, they arrested the suicide bomber after they interrogated me. Raju Sivaratnam stopped his narration. He had a faraway look on his face. I prodded him by asking more questions.Q: What do you think of the Sri Lankan intelligence service?A: Sri Lankan intelligence had already infiltrated our intelligence. Already they had busted our whole network, and I know they are looking for the rest of us. I would urge them to surrender.I asked why?He said “the dream of Eelam is a nightmare”.What more could I ask him or what more could Raju Sivaratnam say?
Tamil. Not a Terrorist.
I was working on my international relations homework when my significant other pointed out a comment by Janapathi on Indi's blog. The comment goes as follows:
“TRUST THEM OR NOT”
How do you know that three-wheel fellow is not a Tamil Terrorist? We have all reasons to suspect every single tamil living around us for our safety. Remember the former Chairman of the Sri Lanka Rupawahini Wasantha Raja? He is a Tamil Terrorist. The terrorists who represent LTTE in Oslo were practicing, registered lawyers here in Sri Lanka. If your boss is a tamil or your company is belongs to a tamil, you will not know whether the guy is a terrorist or not. You will not know whether he contribute part of his salary/profits to Tamil Terrorist network or not.. You will not know whether he is a spy or not..
If I were you, I will not take that taxi again.I would rather walk or jammed in to one of our buses or hop around to find a Sri Lankan taxi. It’s fully worth the trouble.
In my sleep deprived state, my initial reaction was to flame the man. Who the fuck was he to call all of us all terrorists, I thought. Common sense, thankfully, took over and in the next half an hour, I wrote the following in response.
Dear Janapathi,
I am Tamil, not a terrorist.
I make a substantial salary for someone of my age, not a cent of which goes to the LTTE. When the A9 was opened, I didn’t travel to Jaffna to see my relatives because I refuse to allow a cent of my money going towards their ‘cause’ – it is not “our” cause.
I believe in harmony across all cultures, religions, castes,. I do NOT believe in Eelam.
I weep every time brainwashed sheep (martyrs apparently) from the North go around blowing themselves up in the midst of large crowds. I wept when I saw pictures of those who were murdered last week.
I weep when a man, unable to support his family, joins the military and doesn't live to see his sacrifice rewarded. I weep every time a fellow Tamil comes to me and glorifies the acts of a psychotic barbarian; apparently he is ‘our leader' and is fighting for 'our rights'. I weep every time they call him and his band of maniacs 'the sole representative of the Tamil people'.
I weep every time I see comments like yours, but I weep more because I don't blame you – it is only natural to feel threatened and my initial anger at your comments is now replaced by empathy.
I weep because every time I feel empathetic to such comments, I am accused of turning my back on my own people. I weep every time a Tamil says such things, he is branded a traitor. I weep because such ‘traitors’ of greater substance than myself, such as the late great Lakshman Kadhirgamar, are murdered.
I see a soldier's face change when he finds that the young lad in front of him is a Tamil. I weep as I hear his silent thought, 'What if he is one of *them*?"
I weep because I am a Tamil. Not a terrorist. Like me there are others, Tamils not terrorists, who weep at the state of things in this country.
But I look around and I see the proverbial silver lining and I smile.
I smile because my two best friends – as Sinhalese and Buddhist as you can get – treat me like brothers they never had; not a potential terrorist.
I smile because it was a Sinhalese employee at my family’s establishment who willingly donated blood when my grandmother was gravely ill. I smile because we didn’t even ask him. I smile because my family’s establishment has employed people from all backgrounds, including Sinhalese from the south. I smile because they will be the first to tell you that we are Tamils. Not terrorists.
I smile because the love of my life – Sinhalese and Buddhist again – and I will prove people like you wrong. I smile because she was more offended by your comments than I am.
I smile because in us, and others like us, I see the very personification of Gandhi’s profound statement: “We must be the change we wish to see.”
That we are. That we will be.
“TRUST THEM OR NOT”
How do you know that three-wheel fellow is not a Tamil Terrorist? We have all reasons to suspect every single tamil living around us for our safety. Remember the former Chairman of the Sri Lanka Rupawahini Wasantha Raja? He is a Tamil Terrorist. The terrorists who represent LTTE in Oslo were practicing, registered lawyers here in Sri Lanka. If your boss is a tamil or your company is belongs to a tamil, you will not know whether the guy is a terrorist or not. You will not know whether he contribute part of his salary/profits to Tamil Terrorist network or not.. You will not know whether he is a spy or not..
If I were you, I will not take that taxi again.I would rather walk or jammed in to one of our buses or hop around to find a Sri Lankan taxi. It’s fully worth the trouble.
In my sleep deprived state, my initial reaction was to flame the man. Who the fuck was he to call all of us all terrorists, I thought. Common sense, thankfully, took over and in the next half an hour, I wrote the following in response.
Dear Janapathi,
I am Tamil, not a terrorist.
I make a substantial salary for someone of my age, not a cent of which goes to the LTTE. When the A9 was opened, I didn’t travel to Jaffna to see my relatives because I refuse to allow a cent of my money going towards their ‘cause’ – it is not “our” cause.
I believe in harmony across all cultures, religions, castes,
I weep every time brainwashed sheep (martyrs apparently) from the North go around blowing themselves up in the midst of large crowds. I wept when I saw pictures of those who were murdered last week.
I weep when a man, unable to support his family, joins the military and doesn't live to see his sacrifice rewarded. I weep every time a fellow Tamil comes to me and glorifies the acts of a psychotic barbarian; apparently he is ‘our leader' and is fighting for 'our rights'. I weep every time they call him and his band of maniacs 'the sole representative of the Tamil people'.
I weep every time I see comments like yours, but I weep more because I don't blame you – it is only natural to feel threatened and my initial anger at your comments is now replaced by empathy.
I weep because every time I feel empathetic to such comments, I am accused of turning my back on my own people. I weep every time a Tamil says such things, he is branded a traitor. I weep because such ‘traitors’ of greater substance than myself, such as the late great Lakshman Kadhirgamar, are murdered.
I see a soldier's face change when he finds that the young lad in front of him is a Tamil. I weep as I hear his silent thought, 'What if he is one of *them*?"
I weep because I am a Tamil. Not a terrorist. Like me there are others, Tamils not terrorists, who weep at the state of things in this country.
But I look around and I see the proverbial silver lining and I smile.
I smile because my two best friends – as Sinhalese and Buddhist as you can get – treat me like brothers they never had; not a potential terrorist.
I smile because it was a Sinhalese employee at my family’s establishment who willingly donated blood when my grandmother was gravely ill. I smile because we didn’t even ask him. I smile because my family’s establishment has employed people from all backgrounds, including Sinhalese from the south. I smile because they will be the first to tell you that we are Tamils. Not terrorists.
I smile because the love of my life – Sinhalese and Buddhist again – and I will prove people like you wrong. I smile because she was more offended by your comments than I am.
I smile because in us, and others like us, I see the very personification of Gandhi’s profound statement: “We must be the change we wish to see.”
That we are. That we will be.
Wanted; speech writers for State Department
The US State Department speech writers have really run short of ideas. Here is a classic example. Delivering her testimony before the U.S. Senate Subcommittees on May 13, 2009, Melanne Verveer, the State Department’s Ambassador at large for global women’s issues said “Let me preface my remarks by saying that violence against women as a tool of armed groups is in no way limited to the Democratic Republic of Congo and Sudan, or just to Africa. We’ve seen this in Bosnia, Burma, Sri Lanka and elsewhere”.
Sounds familiar? Five months later the line was picked up by her outspoken department head, Hillary Clinton, this time adding the word ‘rape’ to that “We've seen rape used as a tactic of war before in Bosnia, Burma and Sri Lanka and elsewhere."
The irony of the story is, it was Verveer in her capacity as Ambassador at large for Global Women’s issues that came forward to make a clarification after Sri Lanka lodged a protest against Clinton’s remarks. In the letter addressed to Sri Lanka’s Foreign Affairs Minister, Verveer wrote…."in the most recent phase of the conflict, from 2006 to 2009 ... we have not received reports that rape and sexual abuse were used as tools of war, as they clearly have in other conflict area around the world”. After all she herself never mentioned the word ‘rape’ in her testimony speech which was made just five days before the end of Sri Lanka’s war against the LTTE. It was Hillary who borrowed the catchy phrase ‘…Bosnia, Burma and Sri Lanka and elsewhere’.
Now who has played the copycat and bungled it? The speech writer, unless of course the former first lady plays Lincoln and prepares her own speeches. Verveer it is learnt had also been the Chief of Staff of Hillary Clinton during the Clinton days. It could also be that the two ladies have been memorizing these alliterative lines ‘Boznia, Burma…’ since those good old days.
While Sri Lanka is unlikely to play Donald Tusk, the Polish Prime Minister who snubbed Hillary Clinton last month by refusing to answer a call from her on the grounds that it was wrong protocol, the Clinton episode has gone to teach at least two lessons to everyone.
First, a country has to really fight for its right to get justice from the US.
Second, one will never get an apology from Hillary Clinton. You get only clarifications.
Sounds familiar? Five months later the line was picked up by her outspoken department head, Hillary Clinton, this time adding the word ‘rape’ to that “We've seen rape used as a tactic of war before in Bosnia, Burma and Sri Lanka and elsewhere."
The irony of the story is, it was Verveer in her capacity as Ambassador at large for Global Women’s issues that came forward to make a clarification after Sri Lanka lodged a protest against Clinton’s remarks. In the letter addressed to Sri Lanka’s Foreign Affairs Minister, Verveer wrote…."in the most recent phase of the conflict, from 2006 to 2009 ... we have not received reports that rape and sexual abuse were used as tools of war, as they clearly have in other conflict area around the world”. After all she herself never mentioned the word ‘rape’ in her testimony speech which was made just five days before the end of Sri Lanka’s war against the LTTE. It was Hillary who borrowed the catchy phrase ‘…Bosnia, Burma and Sri Lanka and elsewhere’.
Now who has played the copycat and bungled it? The speech writer, unless of course the former first lady plays Lincoln and prepares her own speeches. Verveer it is learnt had also been the Chief of Staff of Hillary Clinton during the Clinton days. It could also be that the two ladies have been memorizing these alliterative lines ‘Boznia, Burma…’ since those good old days.
While Sri Lanka is unlikely to play Donald Tusk, the Polish Prime Minister who snubbed Hillary Clinton last month by refusing to answer a call from her on the grounds that it was wrong protocol, the Clinton episode has gone to teach at least two lessons to everyone.
First, a country has to really fight for its right to get justice from the US.
Second, one will never get an apology from Hillary Clinton. You get only clarifications.
Murder on the Bias
It’s perfectly normal and human to make assumptions about others. Some people argue that we do this because we need some sort of organizer to help us make sense of all of the stimulus we’re bombarded with all the time. Research suggests, too, that we organize information in our minds by categorizing it. So it makes sense that we base our first opinions of others on assumptions and prejudgments that we make. The problem is, of course, that prejudgment leads to stereotyping. We see it a lot in real life, and there’s a great deal of stereotyping in crime fiction, too. In fact, sometimes, those stereotypes have tragic consequences, and some excellent crime fiction holds a mirror up to this side of our nature, so to speak, and lets us see the sad consequences of stereotyping.Classic crime fiction is full of examples of stereotypes and prejudgment. One could argue that this was because few people questioned the prejudices of the times. For example, several of Agatha Christie’s novels discuss some common assumptions about others. I’ll only mention three of those novels. In Sad Cypress, Hercule Poirot investigates the murder of Mary Gerrard, the young protégée of wealthy Laura Welman. Mrs. Welman’s niece, Elinor Carlisle, is charged with her murder, and Poirot is brought in to clear her name if he can. Mrs. Welman was herself in poor health and cared for by two nurses. One of them, Eileen O’Brien, is Irish, and several comments are made in the novel about her background. In fact, at Elinor Carlisle’s trial, Nurse O’Brien’s testimony (which figures into the case) is practically dismissed because she’s Irish and “the Irish have vivid imaginations.” In Appointment With Death, there are also several assumptions and prejudices mentioned. In that story, Poirot investigates the murder of a wealthy, tyrannical matriarch while she’s on a trip to Petra with her family. One of the suspects is a friend of the family, Mr. Jefferson Cope, who’s an American. At the beginning of the novel, he’s described as, “like most of his race, disposed to friendliness.”There are even more of these stereotypes referred to in Murder on the Orient Express, in which Poirot investigates the stabbing murder of a wealthy American businessman while he’s traveling to London on the famous Orient Express train. The only suspects in that murder are the other people traveling in the same coach, all of whom are from different countries. Poirot works with a Wagons Lits official as well as a doctor who happens to be traveling on the same train to find the killer. Several of the other travelers (especially an American typewriter ribbon salesman and an Italian-American car salesman) dress and act in stereotypical ways, and there are several comments throughout the novel (far too many for me to list here) that show the characters’ prejudgments. M. Bouc, the Wagons Lits official, for example, assumes that the Italian traveler must have committed the crime because “an Italian’s weapon is the knife…”In Dorothy Sayers’ Unnatural Death, we also see clear examples of the stereotypes of the day. In that novel, Lord Peter Wimsey and his friend, Scotland Yard detective Charles Parker, are approached by Dr. Edward Carr, who’s overheard them talking about different kinds of deaths. He’s not entirely satisfied about the death of one of his patients, Harriet Dawson, although it seems that her death from cancer was neither unexpected nor unnatural. The doctor believes that in some way, Miss Dawon’s grand-niece, who inherits her great-aunt’s fortune, has committed murder. Lord Peter is intrigued and sends his friend, Miss Amanda Climpson, to find out what she can about the victim and her relatives and friends. One of those relatives is the Reverend Hallelujah Dawson, a mixed-race preacher who paid Miss Dawson a visit before she died. Some of the locals are shocked that Miss Dawson would permit someone who’s non-white to visit her, and they describe the cleric in scathing and (by today’s standards) extremely racist terms.In an interesting aside, though, it’s been argued that both Christie and Sayers might have been ahead of their times regarding these stereotypes. In the novels I’ve mentioned here (especially Murder on the Orient Express and Unnatural Death), those prejudices are subtly criticized and used to lead the unwary reader astray.Other classic crime fiction also integrates the prejudices of the time. For instance, in Ellery Queen’s The Roman Hat Mystery, the Queens investigate the poisoning murder of Monte Field, an attorney with a very shady reputation. One of the characters featured in the novel is Djuna, the Queens’ houseman/domestic. Djuna, who is nonwhite, is compared to a monkey in several places in this novel, and he’s definitely relegated to an inferior place in the household, although he’s not abused in the typical sense of the word. What’s more (although this is more subtle), far from being resentful of his second-class status, Djuna (who doesn’t even have a surname) is grateful to Inspector Queen for giving him a home, and is devoted to him and his son.In many ways, crime fiction has changed, in that there’s certain prejudicial language that’s no longer considered acceptable and certain stereotypes are no longer taken for granted. Still, modern crime fiction still reflects racial prejudices. We can argue, in fact, that today’s crime fiction is more open about them.For example, in Donna Leon’s The Girl of His Dreams, Commissario Guido Brunetti confronts his own and others’ prejudices about Roms and immigrants when he investigates the death of Ariana Rocich, a young gypsy girl who apparently fell from a room into a nearby canal while she was robbing a home. Nobody seems interested in her death, and in part that’s because she’s from a different ethnic group of people against whom the locals have a great deal of prejudice. There’s even an interesting exchange in this novel between Brunetti and Dr. Ettore Rizzardi, the pathologist who examines the girl’s body. Brunetti asks the doctor if she’s a gypsy and the doctor answers, “We call them Rom now, Guido.” Later, Brunetti has a conversation with Ispettore Vianello about the girl, and Vianello claims there’s no way to know whether the girl is or isn’t a gypsy. Brunetti says, “Rizzardi says we were supposed to call them Rom.” “How very correct of the doctor,” Vianello answers.Elizabeth George addresses the issue of stereotypes in With No One As Witness, in which Inspector Lynley and his team investigate the murders of several young boys. What’s particularly telling about this story is that the police aren’t particularly interested in the first three murders, and it’s strongly suggested that that’s because those victims weren’t white. When a white boy becomes the fourth victim, the police scramble to get the cases solved, in part so that it doesn’t look as though those earlier victims were being ignored.In Murder at Monticello, Rita Mae Brown also brings up racial prejudices and stereotypes. Archeologist Kimball Haynes is the leader of a team that’s excavating an old slave cottage on the property of U.S. President Thomas Jefferson. When a skeleton is discovered during the excavation, it appears that a long-ago local may have been involved with one of Jefferson’s slaves. When Haynes is shot, it becomes clear that someone in tiny Crozet, Virginia is desperate to keep a long-hidden secret.Tony Hillerman’s Jim Chee/Joe Leaphorn novels also address rather frankly the issue of racial prejudice and stereotypes, and what’s interesting about these novels is that the perspective is that of members of the minority group, rather than the majority group. In several of Hillerman’s novels, there are interesting discussions of the way whites and Native Americans – especially the Navajo – view one another. Those stereotypes and judgments come into play in Chee’s personal life, too. At one point, for instance, he decides between living as a more-or-less traditional Navajo, or joining his white girlfriend off the reservation.Just as in classic crime fiction, we can argue that today’s crime fiction authors critique those racial prejudices and stereotypes at the same time as they hold up that “social mirror.” In all of the novels I’ve mentioned (and in many, many others that space doesn’t allow me to mention), we see the often-tragic consequences of racial prejudices and stereotypes. What’s particularly effective about the way well-written crime fiction handles prejudice is that it (and the critique of it) are woven into the plot. Rather than being diatribes against racial prejudice (which might be much less effective), high-quality crime fiction shows us the tragedy of stereotyping and lets us draw our own conclusions. Do you agree? How do your favorite crime novels address prejudice (if they do)?
LTTE
By
http://indi.ca/
Wow, you suck. Background image from the Fonseka bombing.
Today an LTTE suicide bomber blew herself up among refugees fleeing the warzone. Tamil refugees. They say 60 are wounded and an unknown number killed. What’s the point? At one point the LTTE’s destruction at least awed, like the Central Bank bombing. Now they just kill with no content, no end, and no point. Just small numbers that change nothing except for ending and ruining a few very real lives. Their mediocre ideologues are dead and now only the assassin and terrorist is left, and all he has to offer is destruction. Worst of all, in addition to failing to deliver anything for the Tamil people, the LTTE has enabled the Sinhala powers to frame this as a ‘with us or with terrorists‘ debate, thus marginalizing moderates of every stripe. So good fucking job guys. Congratulations on blowing up a bunch of Tamil refugees.
The LTTE is bad. They should be eliminated. The elimination can be crude like this or it can be subtle like the splintering off of the East via Karuna and the eventual buying off of other factions. Personally, I think that the LTTE could be eliminated without killing journalists and indefinitely suspending freedoms for Tamils and everyone else, but Prabhakaran himself enabled this path of war. You have to remember that Prabhakaran effectively voted for war by preventing people in the North and East from voting. So he chose this path. You have to wonder why, but now I think it makes sense. The LTTE is simply a nihilistic organization like Al Qaeda. It’s not designed to actually win anything, it’s just a sore loser. They slaughter to make a point, but never to win one.
And so you get LTTE suicide bombers, blowing up refugees. Presumably so they’ll be scared to cross over, so the LTTE can use them as human shields. God knows I don’t agree with the war fever and arrogance of power in my own government, but the empty nihilism of the LTTE, the callous disregard for ‘their’ own people. It’s something else.
http://indi.ca/
Wow, you suck. Background image from the Fonseka bombing.
Today an LTTE suicide bomber blew herself up among refugees fleeing the warzone. Tamil refugees. They say 60 are wounded and an unknown number killed. What’s the point? At one point the LTTE’s destruction at least awed, like the Central Bank bombing. Now they just kill with no content, no end, and no point. Just small numbers that change nothing except for ending and ruining a few very real lives. Their mediocre ideologues are dead and now only the assassin and terrorist is left, and all he has to offer is destruction. Worst of all, in addition to failing to deliver anything for the Tamil people, the LTTE has enabled the Sinhala powers to frame this as a ‘with us or with terrorists‘ debate, thus marginalizing moderates of every stripe. So good fucking job guys. Congratulations on blowing up a bunch of Tamil refugees.
The LTTE is bad. They should be eliminated. The elimination can be crude like this or it can be subtle like the splintering off of the East via Karuna and the eventual buying off of other factions. Personally, I think that the LTTE could be eliminated without killing journalists and indefinitely suspending freedoms for Tamils and everyone else, but Prabhakaran himself enabled this path of war. You have to remember that Prabhakaran effectively voted for war by preventing people in the North and East from voting. So he chose this path. You have to wonder why, but now I think it makes sense. The LTTE is simply a nihilistic organization like Al Qaeda. It’s not designed to actually win anything, it’s just a sore loser. They slaughter to make a point, but never to win one.
And so you get LTTE suicide bombers, blowing up refugees. Presumably so they’ll be scared to cross over, so the LTTE can use them as human shields. God knows I don’t agree with the war fever and arrogance of power in my own government, but the empty nihilism of the LTTE, the callous disregard for ‘their’ own people. It’s something else.
TIRUCHELVAM,TIGERS AND THE TAMIL “TRAITOR” TRAGEDY
Ten years ago on the morning of July 29, an unknown 'human bomb' exploded at the Rosmead Place-Kynsey Road junction. The suicide attack resulted in the death of Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam.
In a few seconds of madness the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had murdered the foremost intellectual in contemporary Tamil politics. The void created is yet to be filled. It is particularly felt at this juncture as the Sri Lankan Tamils flounder in a rudderless, leaking boat on choppy waters deprived of able sailors to steer boat safely ashore.
“Any man’s death diminishes me because I am involved in Mankind,” wrote the metaphysical poet John Donne. The ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka has extracted a heavy human toll. In my personal capacity as a Sri Lankan Tamil and in my professional capacity as a journalist , I have lost count of the number of people related or known to me who have encountered violent deaths.
But no man’s death as a result of the ethnic crisis in Sri Lanka has diminished me as that of Neelan Tiruchelvam a decade ago.
NEELAKANDAN
Neelakandan Tiruchelvam, well-known as Neelan or Dr. Neelan, strove ceaselessly to achieve a peaceful solution to the Tamils issue. He dedicated himself to that cause with a sense of purpose.
Although he could have easily enjoyed a lucrative academic or professional career abroad, he chose to remain in Colombo through very trying circumstances and pursued his vision of a lasting political settlement where all communities, including that of his own, the Sri Lankan Tamils, coexisted with justice, dignity and peace.
In that context, his death is an irreparable loss to the country in particular and humanity in general. The positive and constructive endeavours of Neelan remained unknown to the Tamil world while the abrasive yet negative play-acting of others received undeserved praise.
The widespread grief and condemnation expressed by a spectrum of human rights organisations at his killing demonstrated the extent of his contacts and was a tribute to his untiring yet unpublicized efforts on behalf of the Tamil people.
Although a citizen of the world in every sense Neelan also felt deeply about the plight of “our people” as he would refer to the Tamils when talking to me. It was this concern about the Tamil predicament and the yearning to do something meaningful about it that drew me closer to him.
At the same time Neelan was not ethno-centric and realized fully that ultimately a solution acceptable to all sections of the people had to be found.
RELATIONSHIP
I had a close personal relationship with Neelan. He was my friend, philosopher and guide. He was greatly instrumental in moulding my career. He was in a sense my political mentor. I will always remain grateful for the advice, knowledge ,assistance and help provided by him during various phases of my life.Neelan and his wife Sithie were like an elder brother and sister to me.
I was one of the last persons to speak to him on that fateful day. I spoke with him on the telephone from Toronto for 50 minutes from 7.50 am until 8.40 am (Sri Lankan time). I used to call him regularly those days. Usually he winds up the conversation after a while saying “you are going to run up a massive phone bill”. But on that day he was in a mood to talk and was pensively reflective .When I ended the conversation he seemed a little surprised.
Thirty – Five minutes later Neelan was killed at 9.15 a.m on his way to office at Kynsey terrace as the assassin waiting for him near the Kynsey road-Rosmead place junction threw himself upon his vehicle.
When the office aide Rajah rang me from Colombo to convey the tragic news I could not believe it. “I spoke to him only a little while ago” I wailed. Sadly, the loyal Rajah too is no more having passed away a year ago.
Whenever I cautioned Neelan about his safety he had a fatalistic attitude about death. "No one can prevent it when it happens, we just have to go on doing what we have to do," he told me once.
He also seemed to have a premonition about how he was going to die. "There are countless vehicles in Colombo now. There is a traffic jam at every junction. All security measures become a mockery if my car is held up. None of the police assigned for my safety will be able to do anything." How prophetic were those words. The lone assassin slipped easily between vehicles held up at the traffic snarl at Rosmead Place and blew himself up.
RESPONSIBILITY
The LTTE in customary fashion has neither claimed credit nor denied responsibility for the despicable crime. Yet two factors point significantly to the involvement of the Tigers in the murder.
Firstly, the human bomb had become the trademark of an LTTE-type assassination. In this instance the modus operandi bore the Tiger stamp conclusively. The second and more important factor was the consistent hostility displayed by the LTTE towards Neelan Tiruchelvam. Tiger-controlled media organs in Sri Lanka and abroad had attacked him for many years.
Tiger propagandists and LTTE fellow travellers were blatantly transparent in their criticism of Neelan even after he was killed. In fact I had an acrimonious exchange with the late Kumar Ponnambalam in the columns of “Sunday Times” in the process of defending Neelan after his death. The LTTE and its supporters were critical of the constitutional reforms proposals, known generally as the devolution package, which sought to find a solution to the decades-old ethnic strife.
PROPOSALS
The legal, constitutional and political expertise of Neelan Tiruchelvam along with that of Prof. Gamini Lakshman Peiris contributed greatly to the formulation of the package in 1995.
While Sinhala hardliners accused him of promoting separatism by trying to push through the devolution package, the LTTE and its cohorts charged him of betraying Tamil interests.
These contrasting allegations made by the hawks on both sides were proof enough that Neelan Tiruchelvam was on the right track in seeking a negotiated settlement that would provide maximum devolution within the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka.
As for LTTE propaganda, Tiruchelvam had been the most reviled Tamil politician and pet object of hate. The LTTE's poet laureate, Puthuvai Rathinadurai, writing under the pseudonym “Viyasan”, had constantly referred to him as a throgi (traitor), who clung to President Chandrika Kumaratunga's munthanai (free end of the saree) and who must be destroyed.
As stated earlier Neelan’s fault in Tiger- eyes was the co-authoring of a set of constitutional reform proposals with Prof. G. L. Peiris. These proposals released on August 3,1995 were described as the "GL-Neelan package" by sections of the media.
These proposals were hailed as the most progressive breakthrough in the political sphere of resolving the Tamil national question.
Within a few days of the package details appearing in the newspapers, the LTTE summoned a press conference on Aug 11, 1995 at their Chundikuli headquarters in Jaffna. It was held by the LTTE’s political adviser Anton Stanislaus Balasingham and LTTE's Political Wing Head Suppiah Paramu Thamilselvan.
Balasingham condemned the package even though it had not been submitted to the Tigers formally. Rejecting the package as an act of treachery against Tamils, Balasingham went on to say -
“The Government is operating with an absurd and ridiculous scheme that proposes a political solution to Tamils and a military solution to the Tamil Tigers. This scheme is based on a misconceived fantasy that the LTTE and the Tamil people could be separated by enticing the Tamils with a devolution package. "
CAMPAIGN
That was the green light! Thereafter the vicious campaign against Neelan began in the Tamil and even sections of the English media. He was called a traitor to the Tamil community because he participated in a positive exercise of constitution making instead of rabble rousing like some other Tamil sycophants of the LTTE. Few bothered to analyse the package constructively. Despite its shortcomings, the GL-Neelan package was the best possible scheme of power sharing to be evolved in post-independence Sri Lanka. As Neelan himself said "the proposals of August 3,1995 represented the boldest attempt to redress the imbalance in the relationship between the different ethnic groups through devolution of power to the regions."
Neelan with characteristic modesty and disdain for hogging the limelight played down his involvement in the August 3 proposals known as the “GL-Neelan” package. In private and in form that mattered, Neelan stoutly defended the package. He would often lament that much of the mud slung at him in Tamil circles was “ill-informed” and without any grasp of what the package was all about.
He was very proud of the package but accepted that it had its shortcomings from a Tamil point of view. What he felt was that the package was the best possible as a starting point. A particular source of satisfaction was the proposed change of the unitary state into a union of regions. He felt that if there was a Tamil consensus around it and the LTTE lent its bargaining clout the package could be enhanced further. Alas! That was not to be and the LTTE campaign sought to undermine the package as a complete sell-out.
PACKAGE
With the LTTE taking up cudgels against the package and the war intensifying, the Chandrika Kumaratunga government too altered its approach. Naturally, Neelan was placed in an unenviable position while his critics became increasingly strident.
On the other hand, the original package itself underwent a series of revisions. The end result of all this was the systematic whittling down of the original package to which Neelan had contributed immensely. The August 3 1995 package lost much of its lustre when presented formally as government proposals on January 16,1996.The Parliamentary select committee proceedings saw the devolution proposals being diluted further when tabled as a white paper on October 24, 1997.
It was against this dismal backdrop that the LTTE assassinated Neelan. After Neelan’s death, the devolution package he conceptualised in its original form was further eroded.
In the short-lived honeymoon period between the PA and UNP the devolution proposals got reduced in scope and scale. Choksy was responsible for much of that. With Neelan’s demise, there was no one from the Tamil side to contribute positively to this exercise. Ultimately, a caricature of the original Neelan package came to parliament but even the TULF would not support it now.
Mrs. Kumaratunga in her address to parliament lavished her gratitude to Choksy but omitted to even mention Neelan’s name despite his having paid the supreme sacrifice. And then, the UNP did a somersault and refused to support the bill co-drafted by it.
Years later, the political scenario changed drastically. The LTTE entered a peace process with the UNP and began talking to a 'Sinhala' government about power sharing.
Lo and behold! The chief government negotiator was none other than G.L. Peiris with whom Neelan had engaged in constitution making, years ago. The Tiger chief negotiator was the very same Balasingham who dismissed the 'GL-Neelan' package derisively earlier. The GoSL-LTTE talks achieved a significant breakthrough in Norway when the negotiating parties decided to “explore” a federal solution. Despite this advance, the talks thereafter failed to follow through with this in subsequent meetings.
REVELATION
Meanwhile Anton Balasingham made a startling revelation on March 11, 2003 when he spoke at the ceremonial opening of an LTTE bank (vaippagam) at Kilinochchi. The speech was reported in full in the Jaffna based “ Uthayan” of March 13 2003. Here is the relevant excerpt -
"1995 aam aandu Neelan Thiruchelvam arasamaipputh thirutha varaipu ondrai samarppithhaar. Athu sariyaana varaipu.Athu etkakkoodiyathu. Aanaal pinnar 2000 aam aandu antha varaipin adippadayil Chandrika oru thirutha varaipai samarppithaar.Antha varaipu Neelan Thiruchelvathin varaipin oru araikkuraiyaana oru thokuthiyaagum."
(Neelan Tiruchelvam presented in 1995 a draft amending the constitution. That was a correct draft. That was acceptable. But, later in 2000 Chandrika submitted an amended version based on that draft. This one was only a half-baked version of the earlier draft by Neelan Tiruchelvam)
After vilifying Neelan as a traitor and the August 3rd 1995 devolution package as an act of treachery for years the LTTE was now acknowledging the merits of Neelan’s draft. After condemning the “GL-Neelan” package, Balasingham was now praising it. The wheel had turned full cycle.
Even though Neelan was vindicated in a way, the brightest star in the Tamil political firmament was no more and nothing could ever bring him back. The loss to his family, friends, colleagues and associates is irreplaceable. So too is the loss to his community, country, humanity at large and the intellectual realm. When replying to his critics after Neelan’s assassination I wrote that with the passage of time his positive contribution would be acknowledged by the Tamils.
SCENARIO
In the aftermath of the LTTE's "reappraisal" of Neelan's constitutionalism I wrote in 2003 of two possible future scenarios .
“As time progresses two possible scenarios could unfold. Positively the LTTE after fits and starts could really enter the negotiating process in a meaningful manner. If and when that highly unlikely occurrence does happen, the original scheme of devolution as drafted by Neelan in association with GL could very well be a starting point. Apart from a few modifications particularly in terms of the devolutionary unit, that original draft needs little addition. Against such a backdrop Neelan's reputation will no longer remain tarnished in the eyes of certain segments of the Tamil people.”
“In a negative light, the Tigers could continue to be intransigent and inflexible in their quest for Tamil Eelam. This could result in war. Initially the LTTE could have the upper hand and Colombo's position shaky. As time goes on, the international community could rally round Colombo in a way never seen before. The prospects are endless. Ultimately, the fortunes of the LTTE could turn for the worse. If that happens, the Tamil cause by extension would be weakened considerably. The Tamil plight would be terrible. In that context the wisdom and foresight of people like Neelan and their positive contribution to the Tamil people would be realised fully.”
Recent events have shown the emergence of the negative scenario envisaged by me in 2003. The intransigent LTTE continued with war and ultimately paid the price with the entire world backing the Sri Lankan Government .The Tamils are in dire straits. Even the 13th amendment is under threat. The wisdom and foresight of people like Neelan who tried hard to bring about a just settlement earlier is being realised and appreciated. Whatever the future of the Tamil people, Neelan and all those killed under the pretext of alleged treachery will not be resurrected physically. Neelan was a man who respected the sanctity of life as supreme. He felt strongly that it was the most fundamental right of all as all other rights were meaningless to a lifeless person. Neelan was concerned about the growing intolerance and violence among the Tamil community itself. During the emergency debate of June 15th 1999 Tiruchelvam stated -
“We cannot glorify death whether in the battlefield or otherwise. We, on the other hand, must celebrate life, and are fiercely committed to protecting and securing the sanctity of life, which is the most fundamental value without which all other rights and freedoms become meaningless."
PHENOMENON
The glorification of death and the justification of political violence was abhorrent to him. It is pertinent therefore to ponder on this virulent phenomenon within the Tamil community at a time of remembering Neelan. The political violence that destroyed Neelan, Amirthalingam, Sri Sabaratnam, Padmanabha , Subathiran and hundreds of others is explicitly and implicitly justified by the perpetrators as being necessary to ensure Tamil unity and take forward the struggle for Tamil equality.
The tendency is to view all those holding or perceived to be holding different political opinions to that of the dominant one in vogue as being traitors. Dissidence is equated with treachery. Mythology and history is convoluted and signs of real or imaginary betrayals are portrayed as the causes for the downfall of those depicted as 'heroes.' Ravanan had his Vibeeshanan; Kattabomman his Ettappan; and Sankiliyan his Kakkai Vanniyan.
In contemporary times, the evolution and growth of representative democracy in Sri Lanka has seen the term 'throgi' or traitor being bandied about liberally and rather loosely. Politicians of all communities have at times accused their rivals of being traitors to the people or their just causes.
This phenomenon however has been more pronounced and deeply embedded amidst the Sri Lankan Tamil polity. Ever since universal franchise and territorial representation shattered the Tamil self-perception of being equal to the Sinhala 'numerical' majority, the nature of Tamil politics underwent transformation.
The underlying thread of Tamil politics became political emancipation. Be it balanced representation, responsive cooperation, federalism, regional autonomy or separatism - it was the discourse of Tamil liberation that dominated the polity.
The growing community consciousness and the high premium placed on ethnic solidarity created a situation where the people at large were expected to strike common course on political issues. 'Ottrumai' or unity became the dominant cry. It was seen as the most convenient mode of mobilising votes for a particular party on an ethnic basis. It was also easy to label any Tamil involved with Sinhala dominated parties be they nationalist or leftist as being collaborationist with negative connotations.
Thus, anyone differing or seen as deviating from whatever dominant political opinion within the Tamils was depicted as betraying the cause and community. They were described as weeds that had to be 'weeded out' (kalaieduppu).
TRAITORS
In the early days this weeding out of political rivals depicted as traitors was strictly electoral. They had to be defeated at the polls and nothing more. It was also easier to undermine those in power through this type of propaganda. So G.G. Ponnambalam and the Tamil Congress got the better of Sir Arunachalam Mahadeva and the UNP Tamils by calling those who supported the Soulbury Constitution traitors.
Then it became Ponnambalam's turn to be called traitor by S.J.V. Chelvanayakam and the federalists after he became a minister in D.S. Senanayake's cabinet.
When Chelvanayagam and the FP became ensconced in Dudley Senanayake's national government, former Kayts MP V. Navaratnam broke ranks and formed the Tamil Freedom Party.
His criticism of the FP as traitors did not carry much conviction because of the high esteem in which Chelva was held.
Earlier it was difficult to brand the Samasamajists and Communists as traitors by the Tamil nationalist parties because of the very progressive stance taken by the left on the national and language question.After the left changed course and joined forces with the SLFP and adopted the "Masala Vadai" line it became easier to 'traitorise' them too.
The practice of demonising political adversaries as traitors took a qualitative turn in the 1970-77 period. The fiery Tamil poet Kasi Anandan thundered in 1972 that none of the six Tamil MPs who supported the Republican Constitution of 1972 should die of natural causes.
It also became clear that some Tamil politicians like the popular Jaffna Mayor Alfred Durayappah would be difficult to defeat politically because of widespread people support.
Durayappah was continuously described as traitor in the TULF organ Suthanthiran. He was portrayed as the cause for all problems affecting Tamils and that his elimination would usher in a new dawn for the Tamils. Impressionable young Tamil minds got the message. Durayappah was gunned down in July 1975. Later Prabhakaran was to call it his first "military" operation. None of the TULF leaders condemned Durayappah's killing then.
KILLINGS
Since then the spate of political killings within the Tamil community has not ceased . Tamil policemen, suspected informants, Tamil activists of the SLFP etc. were killed as traitors. After 1977 it became the turn of UNP Tamils to be killed.
Then Tiger guns turned on the TULF and ex-Kopay MP, Aalalasundaram was shot and injured in 1982. It was only then that Amirthalingam issued a hard-hitting statement saying "after biting the goat and cow the animal had now bitten a human." As the Tamil liberation struggle 'progressed' the militants began calling the TULF leaders traitors. Soon many were killed.
Amirthalingam who had described many a political opponent as being traitor was killed and unfairly accused as traitor himself.The guns also began turning sideways and inwards. Soon there was fratricidal warfare among the Tamil groups. Organisations were dubbed wholesale as traitors by the LTTE and were prohibited from the Tamil areas. Massive killings of rival groups followed.
When the Indian Army was here and war with the LTTE erupted, several tigers were killed by groups toeing the Indian line like EPRLF, ENDLF and TELO.
When the Indian Army left the tigers massacred wholesale those members of the pro – India Tamil National Army. Both sides described each other as traitors of the Tamil cause.This practice continued.
REVERSED
The LTTE killed more than 60 members of organisations like the EPDP and EPRLF after the ceasefire of 2002. They were branded as traitors. Later the roles reversed and Tamil “paramilitary” groups aligned with the state killed many Tamils suspected of LTTE links as “enemies of the state”.
'Traitorisation' turned inwards too. Former LTTE Deputy Leader, Gopalaswamy Mahendrarajah alias Mahattaya who went public in denouncing Amirthalingam as a traitor was himself later executed by the Tiger supremo.
Mahattaya too was now called traitor and charged with conspiracy to overthrow Pirapaharan. More than 150 of his supporters were also killed as traitors. The revolt of former eastern tiger commander Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan in March 2004 saw the “mainstream” LTTE executing a large number of “rebel” cadres as traitors. Soon Karuna allied with the State and unleashed violence against Praba loyalists dubbing them traitors of the east.
The LTTE has killed a number of people within and outside the movement as suspected traitors over the years. It is in the neo-fascist nature of the LTTE to discover more and more new traitors on a regular basis. Anyone seen as holding different opinion or not toeing the line was easily labelled traitor. There were numerous instances of many being wrongfully accused and executed.
TRAGEDY
Even in a post – Prabhakaran situation the LTTE tendency to demonise those with different viewpoints as traitors continues. Selvarasa Pathmanathan alias KP and his supporters are called traitors by those opposing him.This malady afflicting Tamils has resulted in countless people being killed as traitors. This is a Tamil tragedy for which others cannot be blamed. There is an urgent need for serious introspection. The Tamil people must address this issue that is literally and metaphorically killing the community.
Sanctity of human life and tolerance of political divergence are very necessary for the healthy future of the Tamils. Neelan Tiruchelvam was firmly devoted to these ideals. Ultimately Tiruchelvam himself became a victim to the on-going Tamil “traitor” Tragedy.
Even as sad memories of his tragic death are re- kindled this column hopes and prays that those values like the sanctity of life held most sacred by Neelan are reestablished among the Tamils again.
D.B.S.Jeyaraj can be reached at
djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
In a few seconds of madness the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had murdered the foremost intellectual in contemporary Tamil politics. The void created is yet to be filled. It is particularly felt at this juncture as the Sri Lankan Tamils flounder in a rudderless, leaking boat on choppy waters deprived of able sailors to steer boat safely ashore.
“Any man’s death diminishes me because I am involved in Mankind,” wrote the metaphysical poet John Donne. The ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka has extracted a heavy human toll. In my personal capacity as a Sri Lankan Tamil and in my professional capacity as a journalist , I have lost count of the number of people related or known to me who have encountered violent deaths.
But no man’s death as a result of the ethnic crisis in Sri Lanka has diminished me as that of Neelan Tiruchelvam a decade ago.
NEELAKANDAN
Neelakandan Tiruchelvam, well-known as Neelan or Dr. Neelan, strove ceaselessly to achieve a peaceful solution to the Tamils issue. He dedicated himself to that cause with a sense of purpose.
Although he could have easily enjoyed a lucrative academic or professional career abroad, he chose to remain in Colombo through very trying circumstances and pursued his vision of a lasting political settlement where all communities, including that of his own, the Sri Lankan Tamils, coexisted with justice, dignity and peace.
In that context, his death is an irreparable loss to the country in particular and humanity in general. The positive and constructive endeavours of Neelan remained unknown to the Tamil world while the abrasive yet negative play-acting of others received undeserved praise.
The widespread grief and condemnation expressed by a spectrum of human rights organisations at his killing demonstrated the extent of his contacts and was a tribute to his untiring yet unpublicized efforts on behalf of the Tamil people.
Although a citizen of the world in every sense Neelan also felt deeply about the plight of “our people” as he would refer to the Tamils when talking to me. It was this concern about the Tamil predicament and the yearning to do something meaningful about it that drew me closer to him.
At the same time Neelan was not ethno-centric and realized fully that ultimately a solution acceptable to all sections of the people had to be found.
RELATIONSHIP
I had a close personal relationship with Neelan. He was my friend, philosopher and guide. He was greatly instrumental in moulding my career. He was in a sense my political mentor. I will always remain grateful for the advice, knowledge ,assistance and help provided by him during various phases of my life.Neelan and his wife Sithie were like an elder brother and sister to me.
I was one of the last persons to speak to him on that fateful day. I spoke with him on the telephone from Toronto for 50 minutes from 7.50 am until 8.40 am (Sri Lankan time). I used to call him regularly those days. Usually he winds up the conversation after a while saying “you are going to run up a massive phone bill”. But on that day he was in a mood to talk and was pensively reflective .When I ended the conversation he seemed a little surprised.
Thirty – Five minutes later Neelan was killed at 9.15 a.m on his way to office at Kynsey terrace as the assassin waiting for him near the Kynsey road-Rosmead place junction threw himself upon his vehicle.
When the office aide Rajah rang me from Colombo to convey the tragic news I could not believe it. “I spoke to him only a little while ago” I wailed. Sadly, the loyal Rajah too is no more having passed away a year ago.
Whenever I cautioned Neelan about his safety he had a fatalistic attitude about death. "No one can prevent it when it happens, we just have to go on doing what we have to do," he told me once.
He also seemed to have a premonition about how he was going to die. "There are countless vehicles in Colombo now. There is a traffic jam at every junction. All security measures become a mockery if my car is held up. None of the police assigned for my safety will be able to do anything." How prophetic were those words. The lone assassin slipped easily between vehicles held up at the traffic snarl at Rosmead Place and blew himself up.
RESPONSIBILITY
The LTTE in customary fashion has neither claimed credit nor denied responsibility for the despicable crime. Yet two factors point significantly to the involvement of the Tigers in the murder.
Firstly, the human bomb had become the trademark of an LTTE-type assassination. In this instance the modus operandi bore the Tiger stamp conclusively. The second and more important factor was the consistent hostility displayed by the LTTE towards Neelan Tiruchelvam. Tiger-controlled media organs in Sri Lanka and abroad had attacked him for many years.
Tiger propagandists and LTTE fellow travellers were blatantly transparent in their criticism of Neelan even after he was killed. In fact I had an acrimonious exchange with the late Kumar Ponnambalam in the columns of “Sunday Times” in the process of defending Neelan after his death. The LTTE and its supporters were critical of the constitutional reforms proposals, known generally as the devolution package, which sought to find a solution to the decades-old ethnic strife.
PROPOSALS
The legal, constitutional and political expertise of Neelan Tiruchelvam along with that of Prof. Gamini Lakshman Peiris contributed greatly to the formulation of the package in 1995.
While Sinhala hardliners accused him of promoting separatism by trying to push through the devolution package, the LTTE and its cohorts charged him of betraying Tamil interests.
These contrasting allegations made by the hawks on both sides were proof enough that Neelan Tiruchelvam was on the right track in seeking a negotiated settlement that would provide maximum devolution within the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka.
As for LTTE propaganda, Tiruchelvam had been the most reviled Tamil politician and pet object of hate. The LTTE's poet laureate, Puthuvai Rathinadurai, writing under the pseudonym “Viyasan”, had constantly referred to him as a throgi (traitor), who clung to President Chandrika Kumaratunga's munthanai (free end of the saree) and who must be destroyed.
As stated earlier Neelan’s fault in Tiger- eyes was the co-authoring of a set of constitutional reform proposals with Prof. G. L. Peiris. These proposals released on August 3,1995 were described as the "GL-Neelan package" by sections of the media.
These proposals were hailed as the most progressive breakthrough in the political sphere of resolving the Tamil national question.
Within a few days of the package details appearing in the newspapers, the LTTE summoned a press conference on Aug 11, 1995 at their Chundikuli headquarters in Jaffna. It was held by the LTTE’s political adviser Anton Stanislaus Balasingham and LTTE's Political Wing Head Suppiah Paramu Thamilselvan.
Balasingham condemned the package even though it had not been submitted to the Tigers formally. Rejecting the package as an act of treachery against Tamils, Balasingham went on to say -
“The Government is operating with an absurd and ridiculous scheme that proposes a political solution to Tamils and a military solution to the Tamil Tigers. This scheme is based on a misconceived fantasy that the LTTE and the Tamil people could be separated by enticing the Tamils with a devolution package. "
CAMPAIGN
That was the green light! Thereafter the vicious campaign against Neelan began in the Tamil and even sections of the English media. He was called a traitor to the Tamil community because he participated in a positive exercise of constitution making instead of rabble rousing like some other Tamil sycophants of the LTTE. Few bothered to analyse the package constructively. Despite its shortcomings, the GL-Neelan package was the best possible scheme of power sharing to be evolved in post-independence Sri Lanka. As Neelan himself said "the proposals of August 3,1995 represented the boldest attempt to redress the imbalance in the relationship between the different ethnic groups through devolution of power to the regions."
Neelan with characteristic modesty and disdain for hogging the limelight played down his involvement in the August 3 proposals known as the “GL-Neelan” package. In private and in form that mattered, Neelan stoutly defended the package. He would often lament that much of the mud slung at him in Tamil circles was “ill-informed” and without any grasp of what the package was all about.
He was very proud of the package but accepted that it had its shortcomings from a Tamil point of view. What he felt was that the package was the best possible as a starting point. A particular source of satisfaction was the proposed change of the unitary state into a union of regions. He felt that if there was a Tamil consensus around it and the LTTE lent its bargaining clout the package could be enhanced further. Alas! That was not to be and the LTTE campaign sought to undermine the package as a complete sell-out.
PACKAGE
With the LTTE taking up cudgels against the package and the war intensifying, the Chandrika Kumaratunga government too altered its approach. Naturally, Neelan was placed in an unenviable position while his critics became increasingly strident.
On the other hand, the original package itself underwent a series of revisions. The end result of all this was the systematic whittling down of the original package to which Neelan had contributed immensely. The August 3 1995 package lost much of its lustre when presented formally as government proposals on January 16,1996.The Parliamentary select committee proceedings saw the devolution proposals being diluted further when tabled as a white paper on October 24, 1997.
It was against this dismal backdrop that the LTTE assassinated Neelan. After Neelan’s death, the devolution package he conceptualised in its original form was further eroded.
In the short-lived honeymoon period between the PA and UNP the devolution proposals got reduced in scope and scale. Choksy was responsible for much of that. With Neelan’s demise, there was no one from the Tamil side to contribute positively to this exercise. Ultimately, a caricature of the original Neelan package came to parliament but even the TULF would not support it now.
Mrs. Kumaratunga in her address to parliament lavished her gratitude to Choksy but omitted to even mention Neelan’s name despite his having paid the supreme sacrifice. And then, the UNP did a somersault and refused to support the bill co-drafted by it.
Years later, the political scenario changed drastically. The LTTE entered a peace process with the UNP and began talking to a 'Sinhala' government about power sharing.
Lo and behold! The chief government negotiator was none other than G.L. Peiris with whom Neelan had engaged in constitution making, years ago. The Tiger chief negotiator was the very same Balasingham who dismissed the 'GL-Neelan' package derisively earlier. The GoSL-LTTE talks achieved a significant breakthrough in Norway when the negotiating parties decided to “explore” a federal solution. Despite this advance, the talks thereafter failed to follow through with this in subsequent meetings.
REVELATION
Meanwhile Anton Balasingham made a startling revelation on March 11, 2003 when he spoke at the ceremonial opening of an LTTE bank (vaippagam) at Kilinochchi. The speech was reported in full in the Jaffna based “ Uthayan” of March 13 2003. Here is the relevant excerpt -
"1995 aam aandu Neelan Thiruchelvam arasamaipputh thirutha varaipu ondrai samarppithhaar. Athu sariyaana varaipu.Athu etkakkoodiyathu. Aanaal pinnar 2000 aam aandu antha varaipin adippadayil Chandrika oru thirutha varaipai samarppithaar.Antha varaipu Neelan Thiruchelvathin varaipin oru araikkuraiyaana oru thokuthiyaagum."
(Neelan Tiruchelvam presented in 1995 a draft amending the constitution. That was a correct draft. That was acceptable. But, later in 2000 Chandrika submitted an amended version based on that draft. This one was only a half-baked version of the earlier draft by Neelan Tiruchelvam)
After vilifying Neelan as a traitor and the August 3rd 1995 devolution package as an act of treachery for years the LTTE was now acknowledging the merits of Neelan’s draft. After condemning the “GL-Neelan” package, Balasingham was now praising it. The wheel had turned full cycle.
Even though Neelan was vindicated in a way, the brightest star in the Tamil political firmament was no more and nothing could ever bring him back. The loss to his family, friends, colleagues and associates is irreplaceable. So too is the loss to his community, country, humanity at large and the intellectual realm. When replying to his critics after Neelan’s assassination I wrote that with the passage of time his positive contribution would be acknowledged by the Tamils.
SCENARIO
In the aftermath of the LTTE's "reappraisal" of Neelan's constitutionalism I wrote in 2003 of two possible future scenarios .
“As time progresses two possible scenarios could unfold. Positively the LTTE after fits and starts could really enter the negotiating process in a meaningful manner. If and when that highly unlikely occurrence does happen, the original scheme of devolution as drafted by Neelan in association with GL could very well be a starting point. Apart from a few modifications particularly in terms of the devolutionary unit, that original draft needs little addition. Against such a backdrop Neelan's reputation will no longer remain tarnished in the eyes of certain segments of the Tamil people.”
“In a negative light, the Tigers could continue to be intransigent and inflexible in their quest for Tamil Eelam. This could result in war. Initially the LTTE could have the upper hand and Colombo's position shaky. As time goes on, the international community could rally round Colombo in a way never seen before. The prospects are endless. Ultimately, the fortunes of the LTTE could turn for the worse. If that happens, the Tamil cause by extension would be weakened considerably. The Tamil plight would be terrible. In that context the wisdom and foresight of people like Neelan and their positive contribution to the Tamil people would be realised fully.”
Recent events have shown the emergence of the negative scenario envisaged by me in 2003. The intransigent LTTE continued with war and ultimately paid the price with the entire world backing the Sri Lankan Government .The Tamils are in dire straits. Even the 13th amendment is under threat. The wisdom and foresight of people like Neelan who tried hard to bring about a just settlement earlier is being realised and appreciated. Whatever the future of the Tamil people, Neelan and all those killed under the pretext of alleged treachery will not be resurrected physically. Neelan was a man who respected the sanctity of life as supreme. He felt strongly that it was the most fundamental right of all as all other rights were meaningless to a lifeless person. Neelan was concerned about the growing intolerance and violence among the Tamil community itself. During the emergency debate of June 15th 1999 Tiruchelvam stated -
“We cannot glorify death whether in the battlefield or otherwise. We, on the other hand, must celebrate life, and are fiercely committed to protecting and securing the sanctity of life, which is the most fundamental value without which all other rights and freedoms become meaningless."
PHENOMENON
The glorification of death and the justification of political violence was abhorrent to him. It is pertinent therefore to ponder on this virulent phenomenon within the Tamil community at a time of remembering Neelan. The political violence that destroyed Neelan, Amirthalingam, Sri Sabaratnam, Padmanabha , Subathiran and hundreds of others is explicitly and implicitly justified by the perpetrators as being necessary to ensure Tamil unity and take forward the struggle for Tamil equality.
The tendency is to view all those holding or perceived to be holding different political opinions to that of the dominant one in vogue as being traitors. Dissidence is equated with treachery. Mythology and history is convoluted and signs of real or imaginary betrayals are portrayed as the causes for the downfall of those depicted as 'heroes.' Ravanan had his Vibeeshanan; Kattabomman his Ettappan; and Sankiliyan his Kakkai Vanniyan.
In contemporary times, the evolution and growth of representative democracy in Sri Lanka has seen the term 'throgi' or traitor being bandied about liberally and rather loosely. Politicians of all communities have at times accused their rivals of being traitors to the people or their just causes.
This phenomenon however has been more pronounced and deeply embedded amidst the Sri Lankan Tamil polity. Ever since universal franchise and territorial representation shattered the Tamil self-perception of being equal to the Sinhala 'numerical' majority, the nature of Tamil politics underwent transformation.
The underlying thread of Tamil politics became political emancipation. Be it balanced representation, responsive cooperation, federalism, regional autonomy or separatism - it was the discourse of Tamil liberation that dominated the polity.
The growing community consciousness and the high premium placed on ethnic solidarity created a situation where the people at large were expected to strike common course on political issues. 'Ottrumai' or unity became the dominant cry. It was seen as the most convenient mode of mobilising votes for a particular party on an ethnic basis. It was also easy to label any Tamil involved with Sinhala dominated parties be they nationalist or leftist as being collaborationist with negative connotations.
Thus, anyone differing or seen as deviating from whatever dominant political opinion within the Tamils was depicted as betraying the cause and community. They were described as weeds that had to be 'weeded out' (kalaieduppu).
TRAITORS
In the early days this weeding out of political rivals depicted as traitors was strictly electoral. They had to be defeated at the polls and nothing more. It was also easier to undermine those in power through this type of propaganda. So G.G. Ponnambalam and the Tamil Congress got the better of Sir Arunachalam Mahadeva and the UNP Tamils by calling those who supported the Soulbury Constitution traitors.
Then it became Ponnambalam's turn to be called traitor by S.J.V. Chelvanayakam and the federalists after he became a minister in D.S. Senanayake's cabinet.
When Chelvanayagam and the FP became ensconced in Dudley Senanayake's national government, former Kayts MP V. Navaratnam broke ranks and formed the Tamil Freedom Party.
His criticism of the FP as traitors did not carry much conviction because of the high esteem in which Chelva was held.
Earlier it was difficult to brand the Samasamajists and Communists as traitors by the Tamil nationalist parties because of the very progressive stance taken by the left on the national and language question.After the left changed course and joined forces with the SLFP and adopted the "Masala Vadai" line it became easier to 'traitorise' them too.
The practice of demonising political adversaries as traitors took a qualitative turn in the 1970-77 period. The fiery Tamil poet Kasi Anandan thundered in 1972 that none of the six Tamil MPs who supported the Republican Constitution of 1972 should die of natural causes.
It also became clear that some Tamil politicians like the popular Jaffna Mayor Alfred Durayappah would be difficult to defeat politically because of widespread people support.
Durayappah was continuously described as traitor in the TULF organ Suthanthiran. He was portrayed as the cause for all problems affecting Tamils and that his elimination would usher in a new dawn for the Tamils. Impressionable young Tamil minds got the message. Durayappah was gunned down in July 1975. Later Prabhakaran was to call it his first "military" operation. None of the TULF leaders condemned Durayappah's killing then.
KILLINGS
Since then the spate of political killings within the Tamil community has not ceased . Tamil policemen, suspected informants, Tamil activists of the SLFP etc. were killed as traitors. After 1977 it became the turn of UNP Tamils to be killed.
Then Tiger guns turned on the TULF and ex-Kopay MP, Aalalasundaram was shot and injured in 1982. It was only then that Amirthalingam issued a hard-hitting statement saying "after biting the goat and cow the animal had now bitten a human." As the Tamil liberation struggle 'progressed' the militants began calling the TULF leaders traitors. Soon many were killed.
Amirthalingam who had described many a political opponent as being traitor was killed and unfairly accused as traitor himself.The guns also began turning sideways and inwards. Soon there was fratricidal warfare among the Tamil groups. Organisations were dubbed wholesale as traitors by the LTTE and were prohibited from the Tamil areas. Massive killings of rival groups followed.
When the Indian Army was here and war with the LTTE erupted, several tigers were killed by groups toeing the Indian line like EPRLF, ENDLF and TELO.
When the Indian Army left the tigers massacred wholesale those members of the pro – India Tamil National Army. Both sides described each other as traitors of the Tamil cause.This practice continued.
REVERSED
The LTTE killed more than 60 members of organisations like the EPDP and EPRLF after the ceasefire of 2002. They were branded as traitors. Later the roles reversed and Tamil “paramilitary” groups aligned with the state killed many Tamils suspected of LTTE links as “enemies of the state”.
'Traitorisation' turned inwards too. Former LTTE Deputy Leader, Gopalaswamy Mahendrarajah alias Mahattaya who went public in denouncing Amirthalingam as a traitor was himself later executed by the Tiger supremo.
Mahattaya too was now called traitor and charged with conspiracy to overthrow Pirapaharan. More than 150 of his supporters were also killed as traitors. The revolt of former eastern tiger commander Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan in March 2004 saw the “mainstream” LTTE executing a large number of “rebel” cadres as traitors. Soon Karuna allied with the State and unleashed violence against Praba loyalists dubbing them traitors of the east.
The LTTE has killed a number of people within and outside the movement as suspected traitors over the years. It is in the neo-fascist nature of the LTTE to discover more and more new traitors on a regular basis. Anyone seen as holding different opinion or not toeing the line was easily labelled traitor. There were numerous instances of many being wrongfully accused and executed.
TRAGEDY
Even in a post – Prabhakaran situation the LTTE tendency to demonise those with different viewpoints as traitors continues. Selvarasa Pathmanathan alias KP and his supporters are called traitors by those opposing him.This malady afflicting Tamils has resulted in countless people being killed as traitors. This is a Tamil tragedy for which others cannot be blamed. There is an urgent need for serious introspection. The Tamil people must address this issue that is literally and metaphorically killing the community.
Sanctity of human life and tolerance of political divergence are very necessary for the healthy future of the Tamils. Neelan Tiruchelvam was firmly devoted to these ideals. Ultimately Tiruchelvam himself became a victim to the on-going Tamil “traitor” Tragedy.
Even as sad memories of his tragic death are re- kindled this column hopes and prays that those values like the sanctity of life held most sacred by Neelan are reestablished among the Tamils again.
D.B.S.Jeyaraj can be reached at
djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
Being a leftie in a right-handed world
It is not an ordinary thing to be born a leftie to a world unanimously designed for right-handers. Belonging to that privileged lot of 15 per cent of the world population and surviving amidst everything decided for the rest of the 85 per cent make the southpaws deserve the attention they demand from the world on August 13, World Left Handers’ Day.
The day was first celebrated in 1976, by the US based Left-handers’ International which was able to win ‘holiday status’ for August 13 in America. Today, it is celebrated right round the globe, bringing thousands of lefthanders to one shade and providing them with the opportunity of sharing their bittersweet anecdotes.
Living a left-hander’s life in the right-handers’ world is by no means an easy task. A study conducted in 1991 by a set of European scientists showed that the average lifespan of a lefthander was nine years less than that of a right-hander. They revealed that the reason for the difference was mainly the accidents caused in using the equipment designed for right-handers.
The so-called enmity against the southpaws goes back to the times of sun worship. Primitive man lived in the Northern hemisphere, saw the sun appearing from the right and disappearing from the left. So, the left was attributed to negativity, evil and darkness.
Even today, adapting to the right-handers’ ways or adapting to the right-hand are the two options any left-hander has to choose from. In the past however, most parents, fearing their children would be looked down upon by society forced them to forget about their left-handedness and get used to the right hand. This hand prejudice was not only prevalent in Western countries, but it was also a part of Eastern culture. This bias was evident in Britain in the 18th century until the phenomena took to a relaxed tide in the later decades of the 20th century.
Left-handedness does not necessarily mean writing with the left-hand; but it means a whole lot more. A recent study conducted by the psychologist Daniel Casasanto, shows that left-handers do think differently and show exceptional skills in problem solving. Chris McManus of University College London in his book ‘Right-Hand, Left-Hand’ points out that “the left-handed people as a group have historically produced an above-average quota of high achievers.” He also says that the brains of the lefties are structured in a unique way that widens their range of thinking and abilities. Genealogists, towards the latter part of the 20th century, discovered that the genes that determine left-handedness also develop the language centres of the brain.
Scientists say the brains of the lefties process information using a "visual simultaneous" method, in which several threads can be processed simultaneously. On the other hand, the right-handers use the linear sequential processing style to process information. The effect of these differing styles of processing is that right-handers need to complete one task before starting the next. Left-handers, by contrast, are capable and comfortable switching between tasks. This gifts them with an excellent ability to multi-task, and at the same time make them smarter and more creative than the rest!
In analyzing matters too, right-handers use the method "analysis": a way of solving a problem by breaking it down to pieces and analyzing one piece at a time. By contrast, left-handers use "synthesis", the method of solving a problem by looking at it as a whole and trying to solve it.
Society and conventions were not the only forces that mistreated the southpaws. Language too misread left-handedness. The terms, which are used to describe the lefthanders in any language, carry metaphorical meanings associated with pessimism and evil. The word ‘sinister’,often used to describe a leftie, comes from the Latin term ‘sinistra’ meaning evil. The French use ‘gauche’ to describe the left-side and its ‘faux amie’ in English means vulgar or tactless. Even some of the idioms that are used in day-to-day life carry a sense of intimidation against the lefties. For example, the English expression "having two left feet" and the French expression "avoir deux mains gauches" mean being clumsy.
Despite the teasing and the cold towels constantly thrown at them, the lefties have been involved in a never-ending quest to surprise the world with their amazing abilities. It was a left-hander who solved the mystery behind an apple falling earthward. It was a left-hander who unveiled the Theory of Relativity and became the scientist of the 20th century and it was a left-hander who sketched the Mona Lisa, the most famous piece of art which was stolen the most number of times in history.
The list beginning with Sir Isaac Newton, Einstein, Da Vinci and Chaplin will continue to flow, getting many golden names added to the tide such as that of President Obama, a welcome change much looked forward by hundreds and thousands of people. So, can anyone in a right-mind belittle the leftie-power? No wonder, all those righties are left-minded!
So, here’s my left-hand shake and the friendly kiss on the left cheek for every southpaw celebrating ‘our’ day. Let’s rock the world!
The day was first celebrated in 1976, by the US based Left-handers’ International which was able to win ‘holiday status’ for August 13 in America. Today, it is celebrated right round the globe, bringing thousands of lefthanders to one shade and providing them with the opportunity of sharing their bittersweet anecdotes.
Living a left-hander’s life in the right-handers’ world is by no means an easy task. A study conducted in 1991 by a set of European scientists showed that the average lifespan of a lefthander was nine years less than that of a right-hander. They revealed that the reason for the difference was mainly the accidents caused in using the equipment designed for right-handers.
The so-called enmity against the southpaws goes back to the times of sun worship. Primitive man lived in the Northern hemisphere, saw the sun appearing from the right and disappearing from the left. So, the left was attributed to negativity, evil and darkness.
Even today, adapting to the right-handers’ ways or adapting to the right-hand are the two options any left-hander has to choose from. In the past however, most parents, fearing their children would be looked down upon by society forced them to forget about their left-handedness and get used to the right hand. This hand prejudice was not only prevalent in Western countries, but it was also a part of Eastern culture. This bias was evident in Britain in the 18th century until the phenomena took to a relaxed tide in the later decades of the 20th century.
Left-handedness does not necessarily mean writing with the left-hand; but it means a whole lot more. A recent study conducted by the psychologist Daniel Casasanto, shows that left-handers do think differently and show exceptional skills in problem solving. Chris McManus of University College London in his book ‘Right-Hand, Left-Hand’ points out that “the left-handed people as a group have historically produced an above-average quota of high achievers.” He also says that the brains of the lefties are structured in a unique way that widens their range of thinking and abilities. Genealogists, towards the latter part of the 20th century, discovered that the genes that determine left-handedness also develop the language centres of the brain.
Scientists say the brains of the lefties process information using a "visual simultaneous" method, in which several threads can be processed simultaneously. On the other hand, the right-handers use the linear sequential processing style to process information. The effect of these differing styles of processing is that right-handers need to complete one task before starting the next. Left-handers, by contrast, are capable and comfortable switching between tasks. This gifts them with an excellent ability to multi-task, and at the same time make them smarter and more creative than the rest!
In analyzing matters too, right-handers use the method "analysis": a way of solving a problem by breaking it down to pieces and analyzing one piece at a time. By contrast, left-handers use "synthesis", the method of solving a problem by looking at it as a whole and trying to solve it.
Society and conventions were not the only forces that mistreated the southpaws. Language too misread left-handedness. The terms, which are used to describe the lefthanders in any language, carry metaphorical meanings associated with pessimism and evil. The word ‘sinister’,often used to describe a leftie, comes from the Latin term ‘sinistra’ meaning evil. The French use ‘gauche’ to describe the left-side and its ‘faux amie’ in English means vulgar or tactless. Even some of the idioms that are used in day-to-day life carry a sense of intimidation against the lefties. For example, the English expression "having two left feet" and the French expression "avoir deux mains gauches" mean being clumsy.
Despite the teasing and the cold towels constantly thrown at them, the lefties have been involved in a never-ending quest to surprise the world with their amazing abilities. It was a left-hander who solved the mystery behind an apple falling earthward. It was a left-hander who unveiled the Theory of Relativity and became the scientist of the 20th century and it was a left-hander who sketched the Mona Lisa, the most famous piece of art which was stolen the most number of times in history.
The list beginning with Sir Isaac Newton, Einstein, Da Vinci and Chaplin will continue to flow, getting many golden names added to the tide such as that of President Obama, a welcome change much looked forward by hundreds and thousands of people. So, can anyone in a right-mind belittle the leftie-power? No wonder, all those righties are left-minded!
So, here’s my left-hand shake and the friendly kiss on the left cheek for every southpaw celebrating ‘our’ day. Let’s rock the world!
So, the Tamil Tigers were mortals after all
COLOMBO: The dramatic collapse of the Tamil Tigers, accompanied by white flags and surrenders even as some suicide bombers kept exploding themselves, is a sad commentary on the politics of uncompromising mayhem the rebels pursued for so long in Sri Lanka.
Here was a group called the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) that set out to form an independent Tamil state by breaking up the north and east of Sri Lanka. They never fought any elections but prided themselves as the sole and authentic representatives of the Tamils.
It appears now that this was not the only contradiction in their personality.
The steady revelations about the final moments of the LTTE leadership speak poorly of the Tigers who declared a sudden love for peace when their own lives were at risk, after contemptuously dismissing all past efforts at peace making.
When they were repeatedly called to go for negotiations, they decided to settle for nothing less than independence. Those who wanted to shake hands with the Sri Lankan state were dubbed traitors and killed.
By the time a quarter century of unceasing bloodletting passed, more than 90,000 people lay dead, many thousands were injured and maimed, the Tamils were in ruins, and there was no trace of Tamil Eelam.
But the LTTE would not call a halt to the fighting, telling incredulous Westerners even in the last few weeks that another generation would pursue the Eelam campaign even if all the Tigers died fighting. As if to fulfil that vow, thousands of children mainly from poor Tamil families were forced to enlist and wage war, the like of which was unseen anywhere in the world.
Young men and women became suicide bombers - killing themselves and others till the very end. Others sailed with explosives-laden boats to ram navy ships. The LTTE even acquired planes; given the chance, it could have come up with submarines.
Yet, it was a war over which the ordinary Tamils, both in and outside the LTTE, had no control. As it kept winning one battle after another, as it kept killing one "traitor" after another, as Colombo started to bend its knees, the LTTE came to be seen, rightly, as a never-say-die group.
At his April 2002 press conference in Kilinochchi, LTTE chief Velupillai Prabhakaran even declared that he too could be dubbed a traitor and killed if he turned his back to Tamil Eelam.
In ordinary words, this meant the LTTE would never surrender or show the white flag, come what may. Yet this is precisely what it did - at the first opportunity.
As the military closed in, the LTTE stunningly announced that its struggle had reached a "bitter end" and it was silencing its guns. In no time, S. Pulidevan and B. Nadesan, heads of the Peace Secretariat and the political wing in the LTTE respectively, began urging people in distant lands to intercede so that they could give themselves up.
Of course, there was nothing wrong if Pulidevan and Nadesan wanted to live. The tragedy was that the LTTE killed several Tamils like Nadesan and Pulidevan, simply because they too desired peace. If only this had not been the case, tens of thousands - Tamils, Sinhalese and Muslims - would be alive today.
But those were the times when Prabhakaran decreed, year after year, that there could be no compromise on Tamil Eelam. In hindsight, one can say that this misplaced arrogance came because the LTTE's top leaders never faced any serious danger - until recently.
No wonder, even as late as November 2008, in his annual speech, Prabhakaran mocked at President Mahinda Rajapaksa, daring him to capture LTTE-held territory in the north.
It took only six months of merciless military assault to force the LTTE to beg Western powers to save it from destruction. Tragically, even as the leaders were preparing to give up, the foot soldiers continued to fight and die, carrying out suicide attacks as late as May 17.
The next day, Prabhakaran lay dead and the LTTE was in ruins.
Even after his death, the LTTE's love for fantasy did not abate. It kept claiming that Prabhakaran was alive and well - before sheepishly admitting the truth a week later.
Their awesome reputation notwithstanding, the Tamil Tigers finally proved that they too were mortals.
Here was a group called the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) that set out to form an independent Tamil state by breaking up the north and east of Sri Lanka. They never fought any elections but prided themselves as the sole and authentic representatives of the Tamils.
It appears now that this was not the only contradiction in their personality.
The steady revelations about the final moments of the LTTE leadership speak poorly of the Tigers who declared a sudden love for peace when their own lives were at risk, after contemptuously dismissing all past efforts at peace making.
When they were repeatedly called to go for negotiations, they decided to settle for nothing less than independence. Those who wanted to shake hands with the Sri Lankan state were dubbed traitors and killed.
By the time a quarter century of unceasing bloodletting passed, more than 90,000 people lay dead, many thousands were injured and maimed, the Tamils were in ruins, and there was no trace of Tamil Eelam.
But the LTTE would not call a halt to the fighting, telling incredulous Westerners even in the last few weeks that another generation would pursue the Eelam campaign even if all the Tigers died fighting. As if to fulfil that vow, thousands of children mainly from poor Tamil families were forced to enlist and wage war, the like of which was unseen anywhere in the world.
Young men and women became suicide bombers - killing themselves and others till the very end. Others sailed with explosives-laden boats to ram navy ships. The LTTE even acquired planes; given the chance, it could have come up with submarines.
Yet, it was a war over which the ordinary Tamils, both in and outside the LTTE, had no control. As it kept winning one battle after another, as it kept killing one "traitor" after another, as Colombo started to bend its knees, the LTTE came to be seen, rightly, as a never-say-die group.
At his April 2002 press conference in Kilinochchi, LTTE chief Velupillai Prabhakaran even declared that he too could be dubbed a traitor and killed if he turned his back to Tamil Eelam.
In ordinary words, this meant the LTTE would never surrender or show the white flag, come what may. Yet this is precisely what it did - at the first opportunity.
As the military closed in, the LTTE stunningly announced that its struggle had reached a "bitter end" and it was silencing its guns. In no time, S. Pulidevan and B. Nadesan, heads of the Peace Secretariat and the political wing in the LTTE respectively, began urging people in distant lands to intercede so that they could give themselves up.
Of course, there was nothing wrong if Pulidevan and Nadesan wanted to live. The tragedy was that the LTTE killed several Tamils like Nadesan and Pulidevan, simply because they too desired peace. If only this had not been the case, tens of thousands - Tamils, Sinhalese and Muslims - would be alive today.
But those were the times when Prabhakaran decreed, year after year, that there could be no compromise on Tamil Eelam. In hindsight, one can say that this misplaced arrogance came because the LTTE's top leaders never faced any serious danger - until recently.
No wonder, even as late as November 2008, in his annual speech, Prabhakaran mocked at President Mahinda Rajapaksa, daring him to capture LTTE-held territory in the north.
It took only six months of merciless military assault to force the LTTE to beg Western powers to save it from destruction. Tragically, even as the leaders were preparing to give up, the foot soldiers continued to fight and die, carrying out suicide attacks as late as May 17.
The next day, Prabhakaran lay dead and the LTTE was in ruins.
Even after his death, the LTTE's love for fantasy did not abate. It kept claiming that Prabhakaran was alive and well - before sheepishly admitting the truth a week later.
Their awesome reputation notwithstanding, the Tamil Tigers finally proved that they too were mortals.
Final days of eelam war 4
V Sudarshan
First Published : 22 May 2009 01:07:00 AM IST
Last Updated : 22 May 2009 01:11:18 AM IST
More or less the only show I watch on TV is Jay Leno. But with the run-up to the election results and the final assault on the LTTE, television news programmes have been equally entertaining. I am not saying I was confused. But I felt no closer to the truth. After watching a surfeit of analyses on poll outcomes, especially Tamil Nadu, I wanted more clarity on issues that went beyond standard psephologist mumbo jumbo. On Tamil Nadu, how could so many people get it so wrong? Is Prabhakaran really dead or just having a quiet laugh in the company of that other diehard — Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose? What ministry will Kanimozhi get? Will Karunanidhi write a poem on Prabhakaran? To get authoritative insights I met Killi (originally from Killinochi), the talking parrot on Thursday and put some searching questions to her. Excerpts:
Is Prabhakaran really dead?
Not only him but his family as well. His wife Madhivadini, his sons Charles Anthony and Balachandran and his daughter Dwaraka. All are dead.
When did Prabhakaran die?
On the 16th. I know you will ask me how I know. Nadesan made a satellite telephone call that afternoon to one of his friends in Tamil Nadu to tell him “Everything is over, everything.” You could hear the tears flow out of his voice. Then Rajapaksa cut short his trip to Jordan and came and kissed the tarmac. Just think: Why would he do that? After all he goes abroad a lot and doesn’t kiss the tarmac whenever he comes back. It’s not some landing ritual after flying Air Lanka. He did not kiss the ground because the LTTE had been defeated. LTTE was as good as dead when they boxed themselves in that strip of beach. He kissed the ground because he got the information Prabhakaran had been killed. It was his way of saying Mahinda Chintana had reached a decisive moment.
Who killed Prabhakaran?
Even for a parrot that’s a tough one. People will believe that the Sri Lankans killed him. Executed him, considering that his head is almost clean gone as though it has been hacked by a machete. The wound is probably from short burst fire at close range. But my money is on either Soosai or Pottu Amman killing him. He died on the banks of the lagoon. Soosai had been of the opinion that they should surrender, which is why his family ran away. He was a bitter man and he was one of the last to die, certainly after Prabhakaran. Both he and Pottu had watched their leader procrastinate day after day as thousands died like flies daily around them. They could not bear to see the gains that they had made over the years suddenly evaporating. Their whole life’s work had now become meaningless. Both had good reason to kill Prabhakaran who, frankly, had reached a stage where he was unable to make any rational decision. They knew that the Sri Lankans would come and slaughter them once the elections in Tamil Nadu were over on the 13th. The leadership was divided. One section was all for surrender. But Prabhakaran couldn’t make up his mind.
Charles Antony looks as if he had been executed as well, with a bullet wound in his eye…
I agree. If you notice most of the bodies have head wounds. Even when an enemy is dead sometimes you shoot just to make sure. No better place to put a bullet than the head for that purpose.
Why did the announcement of Prabhakaran’s death become so contradictory and stretched out over two days?
That’s easy to answer. Just as the National Security Adviser had requested Rajapaksa to put off the inevitable till after the elections in Tamil Nadu, New Delhi made a request that the announcement of Prabhakaran’s death be delayed and disseminated in such a way that the news could be digested in Tamil Nadu without untoward incidents. The key lies in the ambiguity. Which is why the Sri Lankans have not yet released evidence of the deaths of the other members of the Prabhakaran family. It’s news management.
Is that why Karunanidhi is having difficulty accepting Prabhakaran’s death?
Oh Karunanidhi knows he is dead all right. It’s just that it is difficult for one leader of Tamils to acknowledge openly that the Sinhalas had been responsible for the death of a brave Tamil leader while Karunanidhi sat firmly on his own hands. It must be difficult for Karunanidhi to have watched the slaughter that has been going on in Sri Lanka over the last year even as New Delhi was sending what it cutely calls defensive capabilities over to Rajapaksa so that he could prosecute his war better. That way you could argue that even India’s nuclear capability is essentially defensive. If you look at it in strictly Tamil terms it is the worst ever debacle for Tamils in history. The worst.
You know, Karunanidhi wrote a poem when Tamil Selvan died. Will Prabhakaran get a poem from him?
Prabhakaran will turn in his grave if Karunanidhi wrote a poem for him now. Jokes aside, there is a whole book of sad poems waiting to be written. But it’s unlikely that Karunanidhi will write even one tiny little haiku till Kanimozhi becomes heath minister and Azhagiri the surface transport minister. That’s for sure.
Turning to the Tamil Nadu elections, was Sri Lanka not an issue? How did Karunanidhi manage the impossible?
Let me tell you four or five things quickly. Sri Lanka was definitely an issue, which is why everyone jumped in. The results could have gone either way and the tipping point against the DMK would have come if Prabhakaran had been killed during the election campaign. So New Delhi got Colombo to wait till the elections were over. The next task was mobilisation. If the DMK mobilised more voters than the AIADMK, they stood a better chance. Look at the turnout. In fourteen constituencies it was more than 75 per cent and over 70 per cent in 15. For this the DMK mobilised a lot of money, roughly I would say Rs 30 crore per constituency and in one constituency that polled more than 80 per cent votes it was Rs 110 crore. The DMK’s booth committees worked superbly. Number three, the old man told those candidates who were up against the PMK not to bother coming back to him if they lost. As a result those candidates worked extra hard to stay on in the DMK. It helped that Jayalalithaa gave PMK some difficult seats. Karunanidhi wanted to teach the PMK a lesson for ditching him and this was his revenge for all the tantrums Ramadoss had thrown since 2006.
How do I know all that you are saying is true?
What are you thinking? You are the one talking to a parrot.
sudarshan@epmltd.com
First Published : 22 May 2009 01:07:00 AM IST
Last Updated : 22 May 2009 01:11:18 AM IST
More or less the only show I watch on TV is Jay Leno. But with the run-up to the election results and the final assault on the LTTE, television news programmes have been equally entertaining. I am not saying I was confused. But I felt no closer to the truth. After watching a surfeit of analyses on poll outcomes, especially Tamil Nadu, I wanted more clarity on issues that went beyond standard psephologist mumbo jumbo. On Tamil Nadu, how could so many people get it so wrong? Is Prabhakaran really dead or just having a quiet laugh in the company of that other diehard — Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose? What ministry will Kanimozhi get? Will Karunanidhi write a poem on Prabhakaran? To get authoritative insights I met Killi (originally from Killinochi), the talking parrot on Thursday and put some searching questions to her. Excerpts:
Is Prabhakaran really dead?
Not only him but his family as well. His wife Madhivadini, his sons Charles Anthony and Balachandran and his daughter Dwaraka. All are dead.
When did Prabhakaran die?
On the 16th. I know you will ask me how I know. Nadesan made a satellite telephone call that afternoon to one of his friends in Tamil Nadu to tell him “Everything is over, everything.” You could hear the tears flow out of his voice. Then Rajapaksa cut short his trip to Jordan and came and kissed the tarmac. Just think: Why would he do that? After all he goes abroad a lot and doesn’t kiss the tarmac whenever he comes back. It’s not some landing ritual after flying Air Lanka. He did not kiss the ground because the LTTE had been defeated. LTTE was as good as dead when they boxed themselves in that strip of beach. He kissed the ground because he got the information Prabhakaran had been killed. It was his way of saying Mahinda Chintana had reached a decisive moment.
Who killed Prabhakaran?
Even for a parrot that’s a tough one. People will believe that the Sri Lankans killed him. Executed him, considering that his head is almost clean gone as though it has been hacked by a machete. The wound is probably from short burst fire at close range. But my money is on either Soosai or Pottu Amman killing him. He died on the banks of the lagoon. Soosai had been of the opinion that they should surrender, which is why his family ran away. He was a bitter man and he was one of the last to die, certainly after Prabhakaran. Both he and Pottu had watched their leader procrastinate day after day as thousands died like flies daily around them. They could not bear to see the gains that they had made over the years suddenly evaporating. Their whole life’s work had now become meaningless. Both had good reason to kill Prabhakaran who, frankly, had reached a stage where he was unable to make any rational decision. They knew that the Sri Lankans would come and slaughter them once the elections in Tamil Nadu were over on the 13th. The leadership was divided. One section was all for surrender. But Prabhakaran couldn’t make up his mind.
Charles Antony looks as if he had been executed as well, with a bullet wound in his eye…
I agree. If you notice most of the bodies have head wounds. Even when an enemy is dead sometimes you shoot just to make sure. No better place to put a bullet than the head for that purpose.
Why did the announcement of Prabhakaran’s death become so contradictory and stretched out over two days?
That’s easy to answer. Just as the National Security Adviser had requested Rajapaksa to put off the inevitable till after the elections in Tamil Nadu, New Delhi made a request that the announcement of Prabhakaran’s death be delayed and disseminated in such a way that the news could be digested in Tamil Nadu without untoward incidents. The key lies in the ambiguity. Which is why the Sri Lankans have not yet released evidence of the deaths of the other members of the Prabhakaran family. It’s news management.
Is that why Karunanidhi is having difficulty accepting Prabhakaran’s death?
Oh Karunanidhi knows he is dead all right. It’s just that it is difficult for one leader of Tamils to acknowledge openly that the Sinhalas had been responsible for the death of a brave Tamil leader while Karunanidhi sat firmly on his own hands. It must be difficult for Karunanidhi to have watched the slaughter that has been going on in Sri Lanka over the last year even as New Delhi was sending what it cutely calls defensive capabilities over to Rajapaksa so that he could prosecute his war better. That way you could argue that even India’s nuclear capability is essentially defensive. If you look at it in strictly Tamil terms it is the worst ever debacle for Tamils in history. The worst.
You know, Karunanidhi wrote a poem when Tamil Selvan died. Will Prabhakaran get a poem from him?
Prabhakaran will turn in his grave if Karunanidhi wrote a poem for him now. Jokes aside, there is a whole book of sad poems waiting to be written. But it’s unlikely that Karunanidhi will write even one tiny little haiku till Kanimozhi becomes heath minister and Azhagiri the surface transport minister. That’s for sure.
Turning to the Tamil Nadu elections, was Sri Lanka not an issue? How did Karunanidhi manage the impossible?
Let me tell you four or five things quickly. Sri Lanka was definitely an issue, which is why everyone jumped in. The results could have gone either way and the tipping point against the DMK would have come if Prabhakaran had been killed during the election campaign. So New Delhi got Colombo to wait till the elections were over. The next task was mobilisation. If the DMK mobilised more voters than the AIADMK, they stood a better chance. Look at the turnout. In fourteen constituencies it was more than 75 per cent and over 70 per cent in 15. For this the DMK mobilised a lot of money, roughly I would say Rs 30 crore per constituency and in one constituency that polled more than 80 per cent votes it was Rs 110 crore. The DMK’s booth committees worked superbly. Number three, the old man told those candidates who were up against the PMK not to bother coming back to him if they lost. As a result those candidates worked extra hard to stay on in the DMK. It helped that Jayalalithaa gave PMK some difficult seats. Karunanidhi wanted to teach the PMK a lesson for ditching him and this was his revenge for all the tantrums Ramadoss had thrown since 2006.
How do I know all that you are saying is true?
What are you thinking? You are the one talking to a parrot.
sudarshan@epmltd.com
Crazy HISTORY OF SRI LANKA
HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE WRITTEN
THE HISTORY OF SRI LANKA
PART 1 (abridged)
HISTORY 2 THE ANURADHAPURA HERALD HISTORY 3 THE PORTUGUESE OBSERVER QUEEN ANULA IDIOT KINGS
Apologies: This is a fairly accurate but jazzed up (and tabloid style) version of events. Boring detail has been left out. I do hope I haven't offended any of my Sinhalese, Tamil, Buddhist, Christian, Muslim, Indian, English, Scottish or Irish friends. The dates and most events have been taken from "A History of Sri Lanka" by K.M. de Silva (1981) Oxford University Press, Delhi. The book has no ISBN number but if you are interested I can provide further details of publication
1. Fifth century BC: Vijaya, the legendary father of the Sinhalese arrives on the island, after having been chucked out by his dad, the King of North India one Singhabahu (Get the Sinha bit?). He brings with him 700 of his rowdy friends! Good start this! The Tamils dispute who arrived where first----- Our men got here first! No they didn't. Yes they did!...No they ....
2. Buddhism is introduced to the island. Mahinda; the brother of the Indian King Asoka flies into Sri Lanka ( Yes he did! Ranji is a Buddhist and she knows this. Note that this is long before the Wright Brothers!) Bo trees are planted everywhere. Crows disseminate the seeds by the simple process of eating the fruit and defaecating. Bo trees grow everywhere. Shrines grow up around Bo trees...cause traffic obstruction...
3. In 177BC two South Indian (ie Tamil) "adventurers" take control of Anuradhapura, the ancient capital of the Sinhalese, and eventually--after ten years-- hands power over to Elara (also Tamil) who remains in control for a further forty five years until killed in single combat by Gamunu.(see below)
4.Duttagamini (Gamunu to his friends), a Sinhalese youth of royal descent gets bored out of his wits, thinks his dad is a prat and utter wimp for not fighting the Tamils, calls a few friends, gets up an army and takes on Elara. Elephants are used as battering rams, boiling pitch is poured from the battlements, elephants run amok scoring own goals. Finally Elara and Gamunu decide on a duel on elephant back. Fortunately no RSPCA at that time....... (Graphic details of the battle in a later edition)
5. Elara gets it! Sinhalese take this as victory in their Holy War. The Sinhalese never forget it, the Tamils never forget it nor are they willing to forgive. Meanwhile, Anuradhapura is in "our" hands, and "Anuradha" becomes a popular name for boys. Very soon half the male population is named "Anuradha". Confusion prevails. Matters are compounded when parents decide that Anuradha is an equally good name for a girl! The Anuradhapura kingdom lasts for a 1000 years. Everybody is now called Anuradha!.
6. Somewhere about this time a woman by the name of Anula decides to have a go at running the country. To the delight of the male populace Queen Anula (48-44BC) turns out to be a nymphomaniac! ( to be continued...)
THE HISTORY OF SRI LANKA
PART 1 (abridged)
HISTORY 2 THE ANURADHAPURA HERALD HISTORY 3 THE PORTUGUESE OBSERVER QUEEN ANULA IDIOT KINGS
Apologies: This is a fairly accurate but jazzed up (and tabloid style) version of events. Boring detail has been left out. I do hope I haven't offended any of my Sinhalese, Tamil, Buddhist, Christian, Muslim, Indian, English, Scottish or Irish friends. The dates and most events have been taken from "A History of Sri Lanka" by K.M. de Silva (1981) Oxford University Press, Delhi. The book has no ISBN number but if you are interested I can provide further details of publication
1. Fifth century BC: Vijaya, the legendary father of the Sinhalese arrives on the island, after having been chucked out by his dad, the King of North India one Singhabahu (Get the Sinha bit?). He brings with him 700 of his rowdy friends! Good start this! The Tamils dispute who arrived where first----- Our men got here first! No they didn't. Yes they did!...No they ....
2. Buddhism is introduced to the island. Mahinda; the brother of the Indian King Asoka flies into Sri Lanka ( Yes he did! Ranji is a Buddhist and she knows this. Note that this is long before the Wright Brothers!) Bo trees are planted everywhere. Crows disseminate the seeds by the simple process of eating the fruit and defaecating. Bo trees grow everywhere. Shrines grow up around Bo trees...cause traffic obstruction...
3. In 177BC two South Indian (ie Tamil) "adventurers" take control of Anuradhapura, the ancient capital of the Sinhalese, and eventually--after ten years-- hands power over to Elara (also Tamil) who remains in control for a further forty five years until killed in single combat by Gamunu.(see below)
4.Duttagamini (Gamunu to his friends), a Sinhalese youth of royal descent gets bored out of his wits, thinks his dad is a prat and utter wimp for not fighting the Tamils, calls a few friends, gets up an army and takes on Elara. Elephants are used as battering rams, boiling pitch is poured from the battlements, elephants run amok scoring own goals. Finally Elara and Gamunu decide on a duel on elephant back. Fortunately no RSPCA at that time....... (Graphic details of the battle in a later edition)
5. Elara gets it! Sinhalese take this as victory in their Holy War. The Sinhalese never forget it, the Tamils never forget it nor are they willing to forgive. Meanwhile, Anuradhapura is in "our" hands, and "Anuradha" becomes a popular name for boys. Very soon half the male population is named "Anuradha". Confusion prevails. Matters are compounded when parents decide that Anuradha is an equally good name for a girl! The Anuradhapura kingdom lasts for a 1000 years. Everybody is now called Anuradha!.
6. Somewhere about this time a woman by the name of Anula decides to have a go at running the country. To the delight of the male populace Queen Anula (48-44BC) turns out to be a nymphomaniac! ( to be continued...)
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